Michael GAHLER

Policy topics Michael GAHLER is active on

What Michael GAHLER has said (35)

• “54:22 – 14:56:43): Thank you very much for this overview. My first question is on Gaza. I mean, you had to attend this opening meeting of this Board of Peace and to listen to this language, to this speech of himself praising President. We are there as observers, and I think that is okay to be there as observer. And for the Gaza issue, first question: how much was talk about Gaza, the one thing? Then, don't you think as we are planning a Middle East strategy and also a strategy, I hope, for the peace process in the Middle East, we need to have a role? And as observers, of course, you cannot have a role. So this body cannot really be the body where a solution can be found. If I look at the Gaza Executive Board and its composition, it's Witkoff and Kushner that we know, these guys already, then an American businessman, Israeli businessman, Niki Vladanov, some foreign ministers, and indeed the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process. But do you really think that this structure is something that will lead to something? I think solutions must be set up in a different setup for this huge problem. So I hope that we will soon see a Middle East strategy and not delayed further. I think if we want to play a role, we cannot be observers. That's the one question. The other one, I cannot talk about everything. Tunisia, you hinted at the point, yes, there is cooperation and an agreement, but there is some, well, democratic backsliding. I think Tunisians tell me it's worse than Ben Ali time. So my point is to say yes, we agreed to have it as a safe state for third state refugees, so I also think that they are not persecuted if you come from a third state, want to go to Europe, and are sent back to Tunisia, they are not under personal pressure. But I think the political prisoners that are in Tunisia, we need to guarantee that when they manage to come to us, that they still have an asylum procedure because they are really prosecuted. So I hope you can send it to the relevant commissioner.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Colleagues, I can only support what was said about Iran or focus on Gaza. We do seem to be quite far along with the consensus. What we need is a ceasefire. The people in Gaza and the hostages have suffered long enough. Between the conflict between Israel army and terrorist Hamas and the hostages are facing dreadful conditions. The living hostages must be freed. They. Hamas needs to stop using them as a bargaining chip. And this should be part of the Israel Israel's intentions. Then we need to have unfettered access for a UN and the Red cross. The Kazarian Foundation does not have, um, access. They're struggling with the 600 trucks per day. Hamas must not have a future. Even before the 7th of October, they repressed the Gaza population and wanted to destroy Israel. And then it must be clear that the people in Gaza must have a future in Gaza. It was shocking to see how Trump and Netanyahu were chewing on steak and discussing the fate of the lives of these people. We can't have resettlement or deportation. We need a fair future without fear of violence for both peoples, which can only happen if we have a negotiated two state solution. Thank you.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Well, thank you very much. As I referred to, there is a derogation in this case from the Conference of Presidents, which has to implement the rules, and they have granted this derogation. And any legal assessment, I think, can come later. And therefore I would be in favour to to go ahead. I mean, the no. The Conference of presidents implements the legal assessment is a is an opinion. Yeah. And the Conference of Presidents has granted a derogation. Please take note.”
  Transparency requirements of EU institutions
• “Thank you very much. And welcome, Minister. I'm here on the right side down here in the first row. And thanks for for making it here. And I have some questions to some of the issues that you raised on on Georgia. I wonder whether the while there is no appetite, apparently in the Council to support an approach to check article two of the Association agreement with Georgia. Um, because we definitely think here that this country violates these provisions. And if there is a possibility, if 17 ministers wanted to check on Israel, the Association agreement, I think there should be a majority also. And I would like you. Are you willing to work on that to to check it with regard to Georgia? Currently they are still marching with European flags. The people there and uh, that is the opposite to, to Serbia. I mean, we should take note that in Serbia there are huge demonstrations, but no European flags amongst the demonstrators. And that is why they think that we are in collusion with the current government. So do you think that we Uh, can make a difference in this regard. To encourage the people there. For pro-European path. On um. On Albania. I wonder, uh, you talk of the ending, the negotiations. I wonder, will we address prior to, uh, to, uh, accession? Uh, the situation of the ongoing and existing, uh, corruption schemes with regard to money laundering and with regard to the drug trafficking that extensively takes place there. Can we ignore that and say it's so nice that they fulfill on the paper? Uh, important issues. Um, so far on that and on Israel-Gaza, can we, with regard to the humanitarian situation over there and not find common ground and really pushing for the opening of all, uh, border crossings for the, uh, deliveries that they are getting there and make it very clear that the current situation but the humanitarian uh city to be established that that is not a nonstarter and also the relocation is not our position. Thank you.”
  EU-Georgia relations · EU enlargement · Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Madam president, colleagues, the criminal character of the Russian regime can be shown in many ways. We see what has been happened in the war against Ukraine, which goes against rule of law. I'll leave out the Russian treatment of their own troops. And that's that shows the character of the regime. There's no wonder, because on the battlefield, after many years, they are gaining minimal ground. So there's hate and against the regime. So there's the actions not just against the combatants, but also against the civilian population. The crimes throughout the country and and from the air on a massive scale to terrorize the population and to undermine their will, to resist the cultural identity of the Ukrainian people as being attacked. The Russian shows it's Russians show their fascist character and their true character. These crimes of on people and culture should be registered, registered so that there can be tried in future. The Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression is important because. Has been shown by the Register of Damage in 2023 and the Claims Commission now which which is was. Was is to be set up in Chisinau on the 14th and 15th of May. Let's use these instruments against the aggressor, Slava Ukraini.”
  Russia-Ukraine conflict (10th term)
• “Thank you very much. In principle, I can subscribe to everything. Everything that you said, uh, you did not refer to some details. And that is where my questions go. Um. Uh, well, of course, we are not an obstacle to peace. Uh, that is very clear. Uh, and I hope that also on the American side, this is clear that we are partners hopefully still. So my my question on on on Ukraine is how far are we aware what is now the current state of affairs? We had the 28 point plan. Then it was reduced with our involvement to 20 or a 19 point. Now these two guys were in Moscow and negotiated something. Again, the Russians refused. Uh, what we had in mind. So where do we stand and what are our red lines, uh, in this regard, what we can accept, uh, behind standing behind Ukraine, uh, when it comes to our leverage that you rightly said we need to use what is the latest state of affairs on the on the repatriation, on the reparations Fund? Can we expect a solution that serves the purpose to support Ukraine or not? And when we look at the Americans by 2027, want us to take over quasi the entire conventional part of collective defense? Don't we have to rethink all our financial planning in this regard? And what what what we have envisaged both for the MFF, but also when it comes to the Safe program and and the efforts that the member states, primarily in their national budgets, have to undertake, I think, is there not a real need to far more coordinate our national defense budget efforts in light of this? Well, it's almost a threat when I look at, uh, what what is in this national security plan? Thank you.”
  Defence spending
• “No, thank you for for this overview, for this introduction and to present this study. I was always thinking while you were speaking who whether there are existing Distinct organisms or organizations with a name that I could attach this label of so to. Is it now more. Those who organize the. Those lawyers who organize the Panama Papers, is it them or is it in a different way? Is it the Wagner Group who are, uh, somewhere in Africa claiming not to be from Russia, but doing something else and being only paid, uh, mercenaries or um, or is it the traditional mafia that goes global? Uh, so, uh, if you could perhaps simply come up also with, with some concrete name of organisms that you were thinking of so that I get a better, uh, feeling, uh, whom, uh, we are talking about and which kind of people that is. Thank you.”
  Foreign interference in Europe
• “50:19 – 11:51:09): Yes thank you very much thanks for being here. I have not much to say because I fully share first your assessment and I'm fully also on the resolution that we have passed as European Parliament. I mean the ICC in a way is a European baby even I mean it's the the initiation that came from from from us and was supported then by many other countries. I think it is essential that in this critical phase where we have so many not only conflicts but also well leaders around that are as they are and but we have to remain steadfast in this regard and support what we have co created so everything that you said and that you pledged for finds my full support thank you.”
  Support for International Criminal Court
• “54:22 – 14:56:43): Thank you very much for this overview. My first question is on Gaza. I mean, you had to attend this opening meeting of this Board of Peace and to listen to this language, to this speech of himself praising President. We are there as observers, and I think that is okay to be there as observer. And for the Gaza issue, first question: how much was talk about Gaza, the one thing? Then, don't you think as we are planning a Middle East strategy and also a strategy, I hope, for the peace process in the Middle East, we need to have a role? And as observers, of course, you cannot have a role. So this body cannot really be the body where a solution can be found. If I look at the Gaza Executive Board and its composition, it's Witkoff and Kushner that we know, these guys already, then an American businessman, Israeli businessman, Niki Vladanov, some foreign ministers, and indeed the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process. But do you really think that this structure is something that will lead to something? I think solutions must be set up in a different setup for this huge problem. So I hope that we will soon see a Middle East strategy and not delayed further. I think if we want to play a role, we cannot be observers. That's the one question. The other one, I cannot talk about everything. Tunisia, you hinted at the point, yes, there is cooperation and an agreement, but there is some, well, democratic backsliding. I think Tunisians tell me it's worse than Ben Ali time. So my point is to say yes, we agreed to have it as a safe state for third state refugees, so I also think that they are not persecuted if you come from a third state, want to go to Europe, and are sent back to Tunisia, they are not under personal pressure. But I think the political prisoners that are in Tunisia, we need to guarantee that when they manage to come to us, that they still have an asylum procedure because they are really prosecuted. So I hope you can send it to the relevant commissioner.”
  EU-Tunisia relations
• “Well, thank you very much. As I referred to, there is a derogation in this case from the Conference of Presidents, which has to implement the rules, and they have granted this derogation. And any legal assessment, I think, can come later. And therefore I would be in favour to to go ahead. I mean, the no. The Conference of presidents implements the legal assessment is a is an opinion. Yeah. And the Conference of Presidents has granted a derogation. Please take note.”
  Transparency requirements of EU institutions
• “Yes. Thank you. I would like to raise one issue in NATO, EU cooperation, and it is on military mobility, which is the what is are the bodies that are, I hope, on a daily basis between EU and NATO cooperating because it doesn't require only the defence people, but also the transport people and all these infrastructure development. So what, which are the bodies that are there in contact? The other thing are, as NATO member states will pay for these additional American weapons, and some have already said, okay, we will contribute. Where is the focal point in NATO, where to coordinate all that and to get the monies together? And then when we know that, well, it was 12 days ago that Putin said that he needs 60 days to end the war and to reach the next. The territories. Next. Now it's logic. Then, two days ago, Trump demanded 50 days to to to end it. And my question is, as the Secretary-General so kindly worded, the achievements of Mr. Trump, will he also kindly, after the expiration of these 50 days, remind him of the consequences that he announced? Thank you.”
  Relations with NATO
• “Yes. Thank you very much for your outline. Um, my first and principal question is, uh, what's new? Uh, we have a commissioner indeed, who is specifically, uh, designed for dealing with that. We have had programs before. We have, uh, had Processes over the years. You alluded to the 30 years of Barcelona process. I have largely followed that over the years. What what we had and what we did not achieve. We aimed at some point, uh, also to motivate the southern side to, in a more regional way, have a united approach. I think that has failed. So it remains more or less something bilateral. We have seen over the years that, uh, the conflict in the Middle East has dominated many debates when we had conferences. Enumerated the areas where we are cooperating and intend. But I think the larger part we have already done. So, uh, what is the new dimension or the new impetus that should bring about more or better and visible results? Thank you.”
  EU relations with the Southern Neighbourhood
• “Yes. Thank you very much, chair. I would like to suggest our colleague Rares Bogdan as fourth Vice president, and also doing that by implementing the decision of the Conference of Presidents that authorized the request for derogation. Thank you.”
  EU political integration
• “President. Colleagues. Commissioner. Council. We in Afet must point out the following. The international situation is increasingly complex and is characterized by a geopolitical tension, strategic competition, and global challenges. The EU is. Called on to do more in its nearby neighbourhood. Cuts made by the US to US aid and others mean that we can play a stronger role as the EU. We must improve funding of Eastern and Southern neighbourhoods, given that they are so nearby, and given that these are geopolitically important areas for our own security as we aim to support Moldova. There should still be a specific budget heading for Moldova, and we should have better parliamentary control. For that, we need 110 million extra euros for heading six of the budget and neighbourhood Neighborhood and the world, which the, uh, that we need 110 million more than has been set by the council.”
  EU-Moldova relations
• “45:30 – 16:47:12): Well, one, one comment rather. I think given when one of the headlines is readiness 2030 and military mobility is one of the key factors whether we will be ready 2030 or even earlier. I think what is important is, as we have in many of our countries—and of course I know my own country best—we have many existing plannings which are not identified or labeled with urgent need. In Germany, we call it, yeah, but I think those who plan for the military side of it and those who are competent in the transport ministries, they should really be in a position to come together and to really prioritize those issues that are already in full planning but perhaps on the back burner and where the military people then say, but this is an area where we have an urgent need, where we need to prioritize. I hope that this cooperation of the relevant ministries in our given countries be really well not only identified but done, become operational. I can only appeal because I know how long it takes, especially in my country, to get things done in the road and in the rail sector, but we cannot afford it. And so perhaps this is a good opportunity from the military and security and defense angle to get things done not only in my country but in all countries that are relevant for the objectives that we need to reach. Thank you.”
  Defence spending
• “Yes. Thank you very much. And on behalf of the EPP Group, I propose David McAllister, who has been an experienced chair in the last legislature, and we propose him again.”
  EU political integration
• “Yes, thank you very much. Uh, and, uh, welcome to our meeting also online. Um, I'm very grateful that we have this opportunity. And, uh, rest assured, dear colleague and colleagues who are connected, uh, that Ukraine is almost always on our agenda in multifold ways and in many respects and in many committees as well. But of course, the lead committee here is the Foreign Affairs Committee. And we also yesterday had a meeting just to inform you with, uh, general General Director Copeman, who, uh, illustrated, uh, the implementation of the Ukraine facility where we stand, where you stand in this regard. And there are there is progress visible, but there are also many challenges remaining. Um, we hope that, uh, you can proceed in the Rada as well, uh, with the, uh, with the, well homework that you find in the annex to the, uh, to the facility. We have got the listing, uh, where you stand it. As I said, it looks not bad as such. Uh, but we have noted, of course, uh, some, some hiccups and delays, uh, on, on some of the issues. And, uh, well, there are people who blame it only on the Verkhovna Rada. I wouldn't do so because I think it's also about the government that should be present with the ministers and the portfolio committees to explain, and also the President's office to, to, to forward all necessary information. So what is your impression? I mean, we want you to succeed. But the question is, the way that the interaction between government and Nevada is organized. Is there a point where you would say what you demand and what we should also demand from your own ministers to be more open to the demands of the Verkhovna Rada? That is our wish, that your points are taken into account so that you can proceed, and that also the conditioned payments can actually also be then handed out, because you need this. And we want to we want it to be paid in time. Thank you.”
  EU-Ukraine relations
• “That's not always due to our fault. Uh, there are the partners. Uh, but I think it's definitely worthwhile to, uh, to, uh, to assess, uh, where we, and what was the reason that we delivered well, in certain areas and not so well elsewhere. You rightly said the objectives are broad. Uh, but you suggested, uh, indicative spending targets. Uh, also you spoke of indicative migration targets, I think, uh, and that is also, I think of the task or the wish, uh, of the parliament and I'm one of the two co-rapporteurs, uh, that, um, uh, we have more precise, um, um, budget lines in many areas because it's a very broad, it's very, it's extremely flexible, uh, as it is set out. And, uh, I think, uh, to, uh, assume our scrutiny role and also for you to be able to check whether the things that have been done have been properly done. When everything is flexible and not so much perhaps programmed and not foreseen, then looking back, it may be more difficult to to assess well whether the indicated objectives have really been been met. So, um, I think, uh, um. We will definitely see to it that, uh, the parliamentary oversight can be, uh, better, uh, can be better practiced than perhaps in the, in the current program. You spoke and I find that, uh, also a positive thing among the flexibility. It's still necessary to define robust safeguards, especially for direct awards. So, uh, so that means, uh, for me, that's more I'm the guy and more for the colleague or the DV part where we have many countries with, um, uh, with, uh, budget support, uh, where we can definitely see whether such, uh, funds that are used for this purpose that they are properly used.”
  Accounting and auditing of EU budget
• “Thank you very much I think any deepening and broadening and intensifying relations with an important partner like India is welcome so thanks for outlining the areas where we are going to do that. I mean we'll see how we get along also with the free trade agreement then when that is finalized remains to be seen. My question I mean of course in the global picture we note that India has for instance of course apparently not done any sanctions on Russia or not shared it India has to the contrary has profited from the fact that we are banning Russian oil and they have got it at a probably reasonably good price that might be an issue that could be addressed. Another issue which I think is very important is the quest my question is then are we taking in the Indo Pakistani conflict as it exists and sometimes as we saw this year erupts even are we taking sides by this agreement or by this policy that we are pursuing or are we intending and I would hope that we use this deeper relations with India also to encourage them to seek dialogue with Pakistan and at the same time we should of course have the dialogue with Pakistan to make the best of this possibility from our side to address or to have influence on them so what are the plans in this regard thank you.”
  EU-India relations
• “Thank you very much. My colleague Tobias asked for possibilities to harmonise standards between EU and NATO in the military field. I'm asking another potential low hanging fruit. And I'm always asking the same question to different people to get an answer. As you know, when a civilian truck is certified to run on our roads in one country, it's valid in all European countries. When the same truck in its military version is certified in country A, it is by no means certified in all the other countries, but has to go under undergo another certification process. So my question is, wouldn't it be a good idea simply to say if one country produces a military instrument or whatever it is, and remain with the cars or trucks or tanks if that is certified in country. A why can it not also be automatically then be certified in all the other countries like it is the case in the civil sector? I mean, it is so much bureaucracy that we could spare and that we could avoid if we simply mutually recognize certifications in the military field. Thank you.”
  EU competences on defence
• “It demonstrates the EU's commitment to engaging constructively with partners across the Atlantic, whilst providing an alternative model to other forms of international engagement. They may not align with our principles. Moreover, this agreement arrives at a moment when Latin America faces its own set of challenges, from economic recovery in the post-pandemic era to addressing climate change and sustainable development through strengthened ties with Mercosur. The EU can contribute to regional stability whilst advancing our own interests in areas such as sustainable supply chains, green transition technologies and collaborative approaches to global challenges. The geopolitical significance Tense extends beyond our immediate bilateral relations. This agreement sends a clear message about the EU's commitment to multilateral trade. At a time when protectionist tendencies are emerging elsewhere. It reinforces our belief that open rules based trade can serve as a foundation for broader diplomatic and strategic cooperation to help us better understand these dimensions. We have invited three highly qualified experts who will provide valuable insights into the strategic implications of this agreement. Their expertise will illuminate the various facets of this complex topic, from regional dynamics to global implications. Before giving the floor to our guests, I would like to invite the outfit's standing rapporteur on Mercosur. My colleague Francisco Millan Mon for introductory remarks for three minutes. Francisco. Paco, the floor is yours.”
  Trade relations with Mercosur
• “45:16 – 17:46:32): Yes and I'm reading out his statements. Thank you Chair and thank you Urmas for your work on the draft opinion. I would like to focus on Greenland as rightly highlighted by Urmas in the draft opinion. This is fundamentally a geopolitical issue. Greenland is not only an Arctic partner but a strategically crucial geopolitical partner for the European Union. Precisely because of this geopolitical dimension two points follow. First, it would be worth reflecting on whether this file could benefit from closer joint involvement of both AFRIT and DEVE given the strong geopolitical dimension. A more balanced role for AFRIT could help ensure that this aspect is fully taken into account. Second, the level of financial support does not match the strategic importance of Greenland. While the proposed increase is a step in the right direction, it remains far from sufficient given Greenland's importance in the European Arctic. I welcome the proposal and the steps taken so far. I will be tabling amendments to further strengthen the geopolitical approach. Thank you. Gitoksia Palion Robert B.”
  EU policy on the Indo-Pacific region
• “Thank you very much, dear Lima, for for this assessment. I'm sure it is based on the experience that you have had with the current Global Europe program, of course. Uh, so that these are the lessons to be drawn from the existing program. And we will definitely as Parliament. Uh, factor that in. You have, uh, rightly said it's about we need to strike a proper balance between flexibility and predictability, accountability and transparency. These are major issues that need to be addressed. Um, we as a parliament, um, uh, will certainly try. Also now in the negotiations that will be starting and in the deliberations that we have on this, uh, certainly work, uh, in this direction. Um, I think it is important, uh, that, uh, well, perhaps our role goes even a bit further because, uh, if I understand the role of the Court of auditors correctly, you, you formally, uh, have to check whether the expenditure and the procedures have been properly managed and has been properly done. Although, and I find it positive, you said we have to deliver on its objectives. So it's about not only correctly spending the money but also seeing are we getting the results that we are proclaimed to achieve. And in this regard, I think, uh, there is, uh, an task and remains a task for you not only on, on this file, but overall, uh, in the policies that we pursue, uh, whether actually with all the good money that we are losing, using with the best intention, uh, whether the objectives are achieved. And there we have in the global sphere, a great variety countries or programs where we achieve the goals and others where we fail.”
  Accounting and auditing of EU budget
• “Thank you very much. I also had the pleasure to participate in this trip last week. And, uh, while I thank, uh, colleague Schneider and also my EPP shadow for what they said, and I can almost everything, uh, agree what what was said I think, uh, it was this visit. The Albanian part gave a good insight. I mean, um, the Prime minister for the dinner where he invited us was in excellent shape and form, and it was very entertaining. But that shouldn't, uh, so to say, distract us from looking on things as they are. And, uh, with regard to the, uh, chapters that have been opened and have been closed, as it was rightly said, I put it in the English way. The proof of the pudding is in the eating, meaning what is implemented really on the ground that counts. And uh, my impression is, uh, and that goes more beyond the contacts that we had with the government, governance, ruling party and the opposition. Apart from that, for me, the insights that we got from the civil society organisations, that was really the important thing and that revealed really that there are many existing structures that are that cannot simply enter the EU and continue, uh, as they did as they have been doing there is there are corrupt structures, there is organized crime ongoing, and it reaches the highest circles. And I think that is the point where the Balco case is, uh, so obvious where we see that although, uh, the, the Constitutional Court said it spark can act as they did then the ruling party refused to lift the immunity. I think that shows what their attitude is when it comes to revelations in this regard. And, uh, I think that cannot, uh, that must implement that must affect our attitude. We must insist that the rule of law applies to everyone and that the structures that are existing, that they are crushed prior to any accession. I don't want these structures to be inside the EU. Thank you.”
  EU-Albania relations
• “Okay, thank you very much. Now my point was, I mean, you are selectively grabbing, of course, certain discussions that also take place in Ukraine, but it's not our task to promote anything that de facto at the end undermines a strong position that Ukraine is taking and that we are supporting. So anything that, so to say, deviates from a strong position with regard to the Ukrainian position that we support is de facto something that strengthens the pro-Moscow stand, whether you like it or not, and within your group. And if it is not you, lucky you, but there are enough people who have very prominent and friendly feelings towards the aggressor.”
  Russia-Ukraine conflict (10th term)
• “Yes. Thank you very much for the information. I mean, I take note that, well, our prime focus with regard to Tunisia, and that was what is counted is important for our governments and for the Commission and the external action Service is the figures of migrants that do not arrive in in Europe. I heard figures that allegedly the reduction this year was 62 or 64%. Can you give us precise figures of arrivals in Italy and so on that so to say, confirm that what has been agreed is functioning and that that is as long as that happens in this way, that that is further, so to say, considered the success of our agreements with Tunisia on um, on the elections itself, I take note of the great result. 10% more than Lukashenko. He got only 81. Now we have 91. I think it is. I mean, thank you for not sending a congratulation telegram to this result. Um, at least, and as you rightly said, we take note and we can definitely. There is nothing to be congratulated, but are we making any remarks on the spot when we see that even the court decisions are ignored? There were a court decision allowing three other candidates to stand, and it was simply ignored. And even the law then changed that. So to say the court is not entitled any longer to, um, to to judge the decisions of the so-called independence or easy. The election commission. I think we are witnessing a total decline of any democratic standards. But we let it happen. And I well, I am not the standing rapporteur any longer. I am not the one who is of relevance, but I accept that we for us decisive is the figures that of people that do not arrive. Thank you very much.”
  EU-Tunisia relations
• “Thank you very much. For me, one of the most important geopolitical aspects of this agreement is that we can show that we are reliable partners and trustworthy partners, and we are not, uh, like this American administration, uh. An existing treaty. I mean, they have NAFTA in North America with Mexico and Canada, and we saw how they already treated them during the Trump presidency. I think that will not happen to our partners in Latin America, that we all of a sudden step out or impose something else. I think, uh, that will go. Any need to assess and to adapt will be done in a in a cooperative spirit, insofar that serves also for other partners in the world. As a good example, how we one can make a good, good and appropriate deals with us. But as there has been some reference also to to to fears, uh, I think, uh, we need not fear certain imports of certain beef even without without this treaty, we have more imports of beef from Latin America because it's simply good. Uh, then the quota foresees without this treaty. And now we have a we have a treaty where we will not start eating more. Uh, but if there is a somebody feels threatened, perhaps think of better quality here of beef, of of steaks, and then people will turn to that. So that is my reaction on some fears that exist. Thank you.”
  Trade relations with Mercosur
• “Thank you very much. I also had the pleasure to participate in this trip last week. And, uh, while I thank, uh, colleague Schneider and also my EPP shadow for what they said, and I can almost everything, uh, agree what what was said I think, uh, it was this visit. The Albanian part gave a good insight. I mean, um, the Prime minister for the dinner where he invited us was in excellent shape and form, and it was very entertaining. But that shouldn't, uh, so to say, distract us from looking on things as they are. And, uh, with regard to the, uh, chapters that have been opened and have been closed, as it was rightly said, I put it in the English way. The proof of the pudding is in the eating, meaning what is implemented really on the ground that counts. And uh, my impression is, uh, and that goes more beyond the contacts that we had with the government, governance, ruling party and the opposition. Apart from that, for me, the insights that we got from the civil society organisations, that was really the important thing and that revealed really that there are many existing structures that are that cannot simply enter the EU and continue, uh, as they did as they have been doing there is there are corrupt structures, there is organized crime ongoing, and it reaches the highest circles. And I think that is the point where the Balco case is, uh, so obvious where we see that although, uh, the, the Constitutional Court said it spark can act as they did then the ruling party refused to lift the immunity. I think that shows what their attitude is when it comes to revelations in this regard. And, uh, I think that cannot, uh, that must implement that must affect our attitude. We must insist that the rule of law applies to everyone and that the structures that are existing, that they are crushed prior to any accession. I don't want these structures to be inside the EU. Thank you.”
  EU enlargement
• “Thank you very much, Commissioner, for this overview. Now my basic question is what is our strategy with regards to the enlargement process? Is it primarily also through pushing of member states dominated now by the geopolitical considerations, or is it still the issues that need to be fulfilled by the, by the, by the candidate countries, and is our language that we say publicly, is that the same as we say in, uh, in the private talks? I hope not, because if I take the examples, I mean, you refer to Serbia. I mean, uh, while the masses, the students, not only them are demonstrating, uh, in the, in the, in the streets. And Mr. Vucic goes to Moscow, Mr.. Kosta goes to Belgrade and doesn't mention the demonstrations, doesn't mention the, the attendance, uh, Moscow and has no criticism at all. Um, it comes to Albania. We had with Odir an election observation. Um. The findings, the preliminary findings were. Well, there was no level playing field. There is was a misuse of incumbency. And, uh, the congratulations for his victory were almost enthusiastic. Um, and then we have the, the European political. What was it, uh, community meeting there and everything was fine. So I wonder, uh, what is dominant in our in our considerations? Uh, is it still the fulfillment of the requirements or are we rushing through, uh, because of geopolitical considerations? And I would definitely, uh, refrain from, at this stage, from climbing with any of these guys on any hill. While I cannot be sure that they don't abandon me at a certain point. Thank you.”
  EU enlargement
• “23:44 – 15:26:01): Thank you so much for your presentation. I think it's so obvious given the war against Ukraine, the war in the Middle East around the Gulf, that each and every individual member state is just irrelevant to address these issues and also the European Union only will be relevant when you stand united. So if I understood you correctly, yesterday the foreign ministers, they all agreed and please confirm it, that this is not—well, I put it in my words—this is not our war. We are not going to engage in this endeavor. For that, the other questions that arise, of course, are whether or not we can in a different way than by providing ships influence the ongoing events and I wonder what your suggestions in this area are. Apart from that, when we look to a situation like currently in Lebanon, you had indicated that we are there with humanitarian aid. The question is, are we in a position to influence events in a way that, for instance, the further advancement of troops into the country and the amount of refugees would not further be stepped up? When it comes to the latest developments, also with regard to the US and the indications that President Trump referred to on NATO, that it would have an impact, do you have any indication what that could actually mean if we don't engage there? Or can we be hopeful that we will not have a real effect? Thank you.”
  EU foreign policy approach
• “Thank you. And I insist I intend to to shorten my introduction, because you have said a lot already. But as it was such a short meeting, 2.5 hours and only five points, then that should also be shorter here. And. But I think that the outcomes of this summit. It also underscores the EU's long standing recognition of the need to increase our defense investments and cultivate a mindset of strategic readiness. The EU's commitment to this end is further reinforced in its pursuit of unprecedented defence initiatives, such as the Security Action for Europe Safe, this instrument, and the Rearm Europe Readiness Plan 2030 that aim to bolster Europe's strategic autonomy and collective security. This is, moreover, reflected in the EU's commitment to the new NATO defence spending benchmark. And during the summit, the allies reaffirmed, of course, their support for Ukraine, whose security contributes to ours. Um, the current geopolitical climate is marked by cyber attacks, sabotage, terrorism, the Russian aggression and of course, also by strategic competition, and that has highlighted the importance of a strong transatlantic alliance once that is prepared to deter and to defend our territory. So my gratitude also to NATO's leadership on behalf of AFA for their decisiveness and dedication to strengthen the alliance and leading us to further into an unprecedented season of geopolitical unpredictability. So once again, quickly over to you and you pass it to us.”
  Relations with NATO
• “And in this regard, I think we also need to define, as you said, robust safeguards and if necessary, change policy making, uh, if the expectations are not met. Uh, so I hope that, um, the purpose, uh, that you have in your role, looking back on how things were assessed, that we all can draw the proper lessons and perhaps build in, in the new regulation, the measures and the, uh, leverages as a parliament also to um, to get these issues better addressed. Also in the implementation, of course, one thing is the vote here in the Parliament. The other thing is then the annual budget procedure. But, uh, to have the possibility to properly check whether things are being implemented in the way that we wish to see it. I think that remains a real challenge. Uh, over the years, I've, uh, noticed that and still we should make a try. And so far, I think that the Court of Auditors is a good, uh, institution of reference where you check, uh, whether actually what has been, uh, dealt with is being addressed in the proper way. Thank you for your work. We will take due note of your findings and also of your six messages that you have just, uh, listed, and we will check it against delivery. Is that the correct wording? When we see how the real things are happening on the ground. Thank you very much.”
  Accounting and auditing of EU budget
• “Yes. Thank you very much, chair. I would like to suggest our colleague Rares Bogdan as fourth Vice president, and also doing that by implementing the decision of the Conference of Presidents that authorized the request for derogation. Thank you.”
  Recruitment policies in the EU
• “Yeah. Thank you very much. Uh, reference was made to the need to test and validate disruptive technologies. And of course, time is of the essence. And as we all know, indeed the Ukrainians are the ones who test and validate in real, in the real world, in the real world, these disruptive technologies. And so far I salute that we have once it's fully working, as Petras indicated, hopefully, this defense innovation office. Now, how do they practically work? Are they contacting existing companies there and liaising our companies with that or with our ministries, or what is that in practical terms, how they liaise there? And in case that we have something disruptive at some point, uh, to test and validate, could we share it with the Ukrainians because they could then prove whether it really works? But I think perhaps that a bit. Is that or is that too ambitious on defence readiness? I think also there of course, time is of the essence. And I'm always referring to one issue where I really wonder why it doesn't work. That is the certification of military equipment on the national level. All civilian cars, once in one certified in one country, are able to run in any country, and a French truck that is certified in France, a French military truck, when it is sold to Germany, will undergo the same certification as if it was something totally new, and the same applies in other countries. Could we not have such low hanging fruit and agree mutually? Once a military equipment is certified to be used in our countries, then it in one of our countries of production, then it applies everywhere. That would also facilitate I think, or reduce facilitate the purchase inside the EU and reduce the purchases outside the EU. Is there any planning to get in concrete on such an approach? Thank you.”
  EU competences on defence
• “Thank you very much for illustrating this. And I think that is, of course, a very valuable, um, study. And politically speaking, I wish that this money or the, uh, the equivalent thereof, uh, be made available for Ukraine, uh, and uh, at the end, I mean, we, we need to support Ukraine. And if it's not possible in this way, we will have to find another way. But I think there is a viable, uh, proposal that is there. And at the same time, of course, nobody of us wants to leave Belgium alone in the in the cold. That is very clear. That must be guaranteed. If there is a possibility, uh, to do it, then Belgium must be as protected as all of us. Uh, for that purpose. Um, my my question and I was looking through the, uh, through the summary here through the pages. Um, um, that I have not found. There's one thing that I learned when I studied international law, and that is the instrument of a reprisal. A reprisal is normally illegal under international law, but if somebody is, well, violating international law, you can use it legitimately is justified as long as it is proportionate and, uh, well, and not overdoing it now, as Russia has of course, caused far more damage to, uh, to Ukraine than what they have here. Uh, it would definitely be proportionate. Has this model of using it as a reprisal been studied also and perhaps deemed if this what is suggested here is not doable, whether that could be an option to get hold of this money because Russia definitely has no right to to keep it. I would say that is a political assessment. Now thank you.”
  Russia-Ukraine conflict (10th term)