Adam BIELAN

Policy topics Adam BIELAN is active on

What Adam BIELAN has said (17)

• 2025-03-06 “E-000990/2025 Answer given by Executive Vice-President Virkkunen on behalf of the European Commission The Commission refers the Honourable Member to the replies provided to questions 1044/25, 973/25, 969/25 and 980/25. The conduct and the organisation of elections are the competence and responsibility of the Member States, in accordance with their national constitutional and legislative rules, while respecting their international obligations and EU law. The Digital Services Act 1 (DSA) requires providers of very large online platforms (VLOPs) and very large online search engines (VLOSEs) to assess and mitigate systemic risks linked to electoral processes and civic discourse while protecting fundamental rights, including the freedom of expression 2 . The Commission issued guidelines for VLOPs and VLOSEs on the mitigation of systemic risks for electoral processes, which recommend different options for mitigation measures 3 . The Digital Services Coordinators (DSCs) coordinate work at national level with the aim of ensuring compliance with the DSA, including during electoral periods. If requested by the DSCs, the Commission may provide support in this exercise, as it did ahead a number of recent national elections. The Commission did not receive any request from the Polish DSC and was therefore not involved in any election roundtable in Poland. 1 Regulation (EU) 2022/2065 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 19 October 2022 on a Single Market For Digital Services and amending Directive 2000/31/EC (Digital Services Act), OJ L 277, 27.10.2022, p. 1-102, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg/2022/2065/oj/eng. 2 Articles 34 and 35 of Regulation (EU) 2022/2065. 3 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX%3A52024XC03014&qid=1714466886277.”
  Disinformation & online freedoms · EU Supervision of the Rule of Law
• 2025-03-05 “P-000949/2025 Answer given by Mr Jørgensen on behalf of the European Commission Following the Russian military aggression against Ukraine as of 2022, the EU has acted firmly to cut its reliance on Russian energy. REPowerEU 1 , adopted in May 2022, aiming to fast forward the clean transition, diversify supplies, and enhance EU energy resilience. The EU adopted sanctions to phase out Russian coal imports. Sanctions on Russian oil have also reduced imports from almost a third to 3% of total EU imports. In terms of gas, the EU reduced its Russian gas imports from over 45% in 2021, to 19% in 2024, replacing it with alternatives like liquefied natural gas or pipeline gas from Norway. With the end of Russian gas transit via Ukraine, beginning of 2025, the share could fall to 13% this year. However, Russian fuels, particularly gas, remain in the EU energy mix. To address this, the Commission is working on a Roadmap to end Russian energy imports by fully implementing REPowerEU. The Roadmap is in the Commission Work Programme 2025. 1 Source: https://commission.europa.eu/publications/key-documents-repowereu_en”
  Natural gas · EU approach to energy security (home-made vs import sources)
• “In Europe have finally decided to take defense seriously. It is encouraging that some now recognize what many of us have said for years. The main threat to Europe comes from the East, from Russia. However, strengthening European defence readiness cannot mean isolationism. European security is built on the transatlantic alliance. Nato remains the cornerstone of our collective defence. Hence, we must avoid duplication at all costs. The United States continues to be the key guarantor of security on our continent. Therefore, instead of endlessly debating the single market for defence, we should focus on what truly matters. Real military readiness, strengthening industrial capacity and ensuring that our armed forces have the equipment they need. At the same time, let us not forget that national security remains the sole responsibility of Member States as guaranteed by the treaties. Europe needs capabilities, not more bureaucracy.”
  Relations with NATO · EU competences on defence
• “Thank you, chair. And thank you, Madam Minister, for outlining the priorities of the Danish presidency. We wish you all the best in the context of enlargement and support for Ukraine. I would like to raise one very specific question. Will the Danish presidency take concrete steps to ensure that frozen Russian assets, especially those held in Europe, are used to fund Ukraines reconstruction. For months, we have heard about legal reviews and the need for caution, but time is working in Russias favour. While Ukraine bears the daily cost of reconstruction and aggression, does Denmark intend to support the creation of a joint EU mechanism to channel those frozen assets in Ukraines recovery, and push the council and the commission to move from declaration to implementation? This is not only a matter of justice. It is a test for our credibility. Thank you.”
  Russia-Ukraine conflict (10th term)
• “In this context, the report condemns the DPRK in Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine and calls to halt the development of nuclear and missile capabilities on the Korean Peninsula. At the same time expressing grave concern over DPRK malicious cyber activities. The purpose of this report is therefore clear it calls for the European Union to intensify its strategic focus, presence, visibility and concrete actions in East Asia, with the aim of contributing to joint stability, security, prosperity and development. This engagement must remain anchored in the promotion of democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and respect for international law. Due to world limitations, not all aspects could be fully reflected in the text. I will therefore table some amendments, including on enhanced cooperation with NATO, strengthened engagement with Asean, and expanded research and innovation collaboration under Horizon Europe. I am committed to working constructively and in focused, results oriented manner with the shadow rapporteurs to further strengthen these recommendations and ensure that it evolves into a clear, coherent and strategically robust framework for EU engagement in East Asia. Thank you.”
  Asia-Pacific
• “In this context, the report condemns the DPRK in Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine and calls to halt the development of nuclear and missile capabilities on the Korean Peninsula. At the same time expressing grave concern over DPRK malicious cyber activities. The purpose of this report is therefore clear it calls for the European Union to intensify its strategic focus, presence, visibility and concrete actions in East Asia, with the aim of contributing to joint stability, security, prosperity and development. This engagement must remain anchored in the promotion of democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and respect for international law. Due to world limitations, not all aspects could be fully reflected in the text. I will therefore table some amendments, including on enhanced cooperation with NATO, strengthened engagement with Asean, and expanded research and innovation collaboration under Horizon Europe. I am committed to working constructively and in focused, results oriented manner with the shadow rapporteurs to further strengthen these recommendations and ensure that it evolves into a clear, coherent and strategically robust framework for EU engagement in East Asia. Thank you.”
  EU policy on the Indo-Pacific region
• “Uh. Thank you. Chair. Dear colleagues, uh, our group strongly supports the reaffirmation of the US Strategic Partnership. This alliance is vital for Europe's peace, security and prosperity. It is built not only on shared values, but also on a long standing record of solidarity and mutual commitment, particularly within the framework of NATO. We welcome the report's recognition of NATO as the irreplaceable cornerstone of European security. The continued US leadership in NATO and more broadly in global security remains critical. It must not be taken for granted. The EU must act in full, complementary with NATO. Any suggestion of EU strategic autonomy that undermines or duplicates NATO structures would be strategically unwise. Words matter, but actions matter more. Unfortunately, we've seen missed opportunities to give new substance to this partnership. Take, for instance, the recent Polish Presidency of the Council of the EU. Despite Poland's strong trans-Atlantic ties, it failed to deliver a long awaited EU US summit because Prime Minister Donald Tusk continued to block President Andrei Duda's initiative. That decision was not just a matter of domestic domestic issues. It sent a negative signal at a moment when Europe and the US needed visible, unified leadership at a time when Russia continues its war of aggression against Ukraine and when authoritarian powers are challenging the democratic order. We need to reinforce, not politicise, transatlantic cooperation. This includes not only defence and deterrence, but also working together on supply chains, energy resilience, critical infrastructure and technological security. Thank you.”
  EU-US relations
• “In this context, the report condemns the DPRK in Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine and calls to halt the development of nuclear and missile capabilities on the Korean Peninsula. At the same time expressing grave concern over DPRK malicious cyber activities. The purpose of this report is therefore clear it calls for the European Union to intensify its strategic focus, presence, visibility and concrete actions in East Asia, with the aim of contributing to joint stability, security, prosperity and development. This engagement must remain anchored in the promotion of democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and respect for international law. Due to world limitations, not all aspects could be fully reflected in the text. I will therefore table some amendments, including on enhanced cooperation with NATO, strengthened engagement with Asean, and expanded research and innovation collaboration under Horizon Europe. I am committed to working constructively and in focused, results oriented manner with the shadow rapporteurs to further strengthen these recommendations and ensure that it evolves into a clear, coherent and strategically robust framework for EU engagement in East Asia. Thank you.”
  EU policy on the Indo-Pacific region
• “Polityki bezpieczenstwa. Le systeme de santé normalization culture droga politique Angela Merkel. Nord stream. Le régime de la Rosa. Putin. Je NE sais pas les deux neo imperial. De Ukraine a sovereign baltycki Polski est. De la crema na de facto I znanje streiff zywo. Sport systému I propagande. Ukraine. Jednoczesnie. Rosyjskiej. Europe.”
  EU-Russia relations (from March 2022)
• “Thank you. Chair. Dear colleagues. This recommendation, in response to the rapidly evolving geopolitical landscape in East Asia and its increasingly volatile security environment, the region is shaped by systemic rivalry, maritime tensions, coercive economic practices, and accelerating Military build ups that challenge the rules based international order. Developments in East Asia are no longer geographically distant matters. They are directly linked to European security and prosperity. East Asia hosts vital maritime routes, advanced technological ecosystems, major trade flows and critical supply chains that are indispensable to the European Union's economic resilience and geopolitical influence. Stability in the region is therefore a core European interest. The report calls for deepening cooperation with like minded partners, particularly Japan, the Republic of Korea and Taiwan, in order to address common challenges such as cyber, cyber security, hybrid threats, and foreign information manipulation. Maritime and space security, non-proliferation and emerging defense technologies, while reaffirming our commitment to peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and rejecting any unilateral or coercive attempt to alter the status quo. Russia's full scale invasion of Ukraine and the support it has received from third countries such as North Korea, has further demonstrated that security threats are interconnected.”
  EU policy on the Indo-Pacific region
• “(15:30:55 – 15:33:00): Thank you Chair, Madam High Representative. As Russia's full-scale invasion enters its fifth year, discussions on a peace plan and Ukraine's EU future have accelerated. While the Commission's 2025 report highlights progress, it also underlines the need for further reforms, notably in anticorruption and judicial independence. At the same time, reports of a possible EU membership light model have emerged as part of a potential peace arrangement. My question is, while reaffirming strong support for Ukraine's sovereignty, reconstruction, and European future, how does the Commission conceptualize any reported EU membership light arrangement and what concrete forms of integration would such a model entail in practice? My second question is on Cuba. Ten years after the signing of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement with Cuba and despite the commitments undertaken by Havana as well as the European Union's political and financial openness, the Cuban regime has become more repressive towards its own citizens, more destabilizing in the Latin American region, and increasingly engaged in actions directly threatening the security of Europe and its citizens. The number of political prisoners continues to rise and thousands of Cuban nationals are reportedly participating alongside Russian forces in the war against Ukraine. The European Parliament, through the adoption of amendment eighty-two in its recent SFSP report, has made it clear that such regimes should not continue to benefit from privileged cooperation with the European Union, including under the PDCA. In light of the European Parliament's call to suspend the PDCA, how does the Commission justify maintaining the agreement and what concrete conditions and benchmarks would need to be met for suspension to be enacted? Thank you.”
  EU-Cuba relations
• “Since the first day of the invasion. Russia is violating all international law standards, committing atrocities, also crimes against humanity. They do not care about the lives of their own citizens. What counts is the objectives which is conquering. And people are just means to achieve this goal. Million people sent by Putin to the front perished, died, are missing or have been maimed. This is a tragic number. Many families have not even received the bodies of the perished. What is more, Russia wants to recruit and draft non-Russian nationals from Cuba, from North Korea and from Africa against their own will. They are becoming part and parcel of the ranks of the Russian army. They are sent to the certain death. We must put an end to it. Europe, who will be providing better service to the world rather than should concentrate on fighting human trafficking. We should also fight in order to recover the missing Ukrainian children.”
  EU-Russia relations (from March 2022)
• “Thank you president. By continued imports of Russian gas and oil Europe is financing Russia's war against Ukraine. How can we claim solidarity with Kiev when billions of euros still flow to Moscow every month? It is shameful. We are three years into Russia's full scale invasion, and in 2024, 85% of the EU's Russian LNG imports went to France, Belgium and Spain. Every shipment, every payment strengthens the Russian aggressor. We claim to oppose Poland has proved that it is possible to cut energy ties with Russia. We accomplished it long before, thanks to the law and Justice government. We built a new LNG terminal and new pipeline from Norway. We diversified our energy supplies. How can we demand unconditional support from the United States when our own member states are still bankrolling Putin's war machine? Europe must act like it truly believes in victory for Ukraine. Cut the import of Russian energy now. Not by 2028. It is high time. Thank you.”
  EU-Russia relations (from March 2022)
• “Thank you. Chair. As shadow rapporteur on behalf of the ECR Group, I would like to underline our strong support for the main objective of this file to urgently strengthen the EU's defence industrial base and Member States readiness. The ECR Group firmly supports the need to reinforce the defence capabilities of the member States and the European defence sector, particularly in light of the ongoing war in Ukraine and the Russian threat. The current deteriorating geopolitical context and the increasingly unstable security environment in the world. And Europe is facing tanking. Taking these factors into account. We therefore welcome the Commission's proposal as it introduces targeted and legally coherent adjustments to key union programmes under the current Multiannual Financial Framework in order to implement the Rearm Europe plan. We also thank the rapporteur for his constructive approach. Many of the proposed amendments go in in the right direction, particularly those that recognise capability gaps in seven priority areas identified in the White Paper, several of which are aligned with NATO's defence planning process. Broaden the scope to include Ukraine and security and defence partner countries. Integrate hybrid threat resilience, foreign information manipulation and interference and cybersecurity across relevant program objectives, and strengthen military mobility through counter mobility measures and support for repair capabilities of submarine critical infrastructure. We will table some amendments to further strengthen their proposal by emphasizing the need for an increase in defense spending of Member States and their commitment to NATO, as well as the need for enhancing responsiveness to hybrid threats. We look very much forward to working constructively with the rapporteur and our fellow shadows to reach an effective compromise for the sake of a strong defence and long term resilience in Europe. Thank you very much.”
  Defence spending
• “Thank you. Chair. Dear colleagues. This recommendation, in response to the rapidly evolving geopolitical landscape in East Asia and its increasingly volatile security environment, the region is shaped by systemic rivalry, maritime tensions, coercive economic practices, and accelerating Military build ups that challenge the rules based international order. Developments in East Asia are no longer geographically distant matters. They are directly linked to European security and prosperity. East Asia hosts vital maritime routes, advanced technological ecosystems, major trade flows and critical supply chains that are indispensable to the European Union's economic resilience and geopolitical influence. Stability in the region is therefore a core European interest. The report calls for deepening cooperation with like minded partners, particularly Japan, the Republic of Korea and Taiwan, in order to address common challenges such as cyber, cyber security, hybrid threats, and foreign information manipulation. Maritime and space security, non-proliferation and emerging defense technologies, while reaffirming our commitment to peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and rejecting any unilateral or coercive attempt to alter the status quo. Russia's full scale invasion of Ukraine and the support it has received from third countries such as North Korea, has further demonstrated that security threats are interconnected.”
  EU policy on the Indo-Pacific region
• “Thank you. Chair. Dear colleagues. This recommendation, in response to the rapidly evolving geopolitical landscape in East Asia and its increasingly volatile security environment, the region is shaped by systemic rivalry, maritime tensions, coercive economic practices, and accelerating Military build ups that challenge the rules based international order. Developments in East Asia are no longer geographically distant matters. They are directly linked to European security and prosperity. East Asia hosts vital maritime routes, advanced technological ecosystems, major trade flows and critical supply chains that are indispensable to the European Union's economic resilience and geopolitical influence. Stability in the region is therefore a core European interest. The report calls for deepening cooperation with like minded partners, particularly Japan, the Republic of Korea and Taiwan, in order to address common challenges such as cyber, cyber security, hybrid threats, and foreign information manipulation. Maritime and space security, non-proliferation and emerging defense technologies, while reaffirming our commitment to peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and rejecting any unilateral or coercive attempt to alter the status quo. Russia's full scale invasion of Ukraine and the support it has received from third countries such as North Korea, has further demonstrated that security threats are interconnected.”
  Asia-Pacific
• “Commissioner, let me start by thanking Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni for making the strategic decision to visit Washington at a critical moment for our transatlantic relations. While others choose ambiguity. She acted because leadership means showing up. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for the Polish prime minister, Donald Tusk, who continues to block President Duda initiative to hold a long overdue EU US summit in Warsaw under Polish presidency in the Council. This is a missed opportunity, both symbolically and politically. Cancelling the summit sends the wrong signal to our most important ally, especially as global tensions rise and our need for unity grows. Yes, we may have disagreements with the US on trade subsidies and regulatory divergence, but the answer should not be retaliation. The answer should be pragmatic engagement. We need a common strategic European response that both protects our interests and strengthens our partnership. Thank you.”
  EU-US relations