Kathleen VAN BREMPT

Policy topics Kathleen VAN BREMPT is active on

What Kathleen VAN BREMPT has said (64)

• 2026-06-17 “Thank you, mister Schmidt, for that very important question in the S and D. We are proud of the green deal. We really see this as a competitiveness deal that will help to reduce reliance on critical raw materials, fossil fuels of the like. There is no future for our industry if we cling to fossil fuels. We need to ensure our own sovereignty, and critical raw materials are key here. We now have a critical raw materials act. It must be implemented. We need to look at our own recycling industry. Thank you.”
  Sourcing of critical raw materials
• 2026-06-17 “(10:12:04 – 10:13:24): Thank you, honorable colleagues. I am somewhat confused by the EPP's key message. Yesterday, they approved an agreement with The US. So we now have a deal with The US to develop a strategy on China. I think that's a foolish idea. We need to draw on our own strengths in dealing with China, and that is very important. We see that China is focused on exports, on key technologies in our industries. They're looking to take over our key industries, place our businesses under pressure, and that is bad news for many workers. We need a clear strategy. Trade defense, industrial accelerator acts. We need to work hard to ensure our own sovereignty. We need to look at an overcapacity mechanism that needs to be rolled up very quickly. We need to make progress with this strategy. Thank you.”
  Trade relations with China
• 2026-06-15 “Thank you very much, dear colleagues. And hi, commissioner. Good that you're here. Ever since Donald Trump returned to the White House and launched his trade war, the European Union has been playing defense. Tariff after tariff and threat after threat. The commission did not have a plan. It repeatedly failed to build credible leverage. The result, as we know, was a bad, unbalanced Tonbury deal. That's why the S and D group refused to simple rubber stamp it. But we also don't want a trade war. No. European workers and business, they need stability and no endless uncertainty. And so we decided not to choose between a trade war or submission. We chose to fight, to fight for a better deal, and we delivered. Thanks to the s and d group and our chief negotiator and the, chair of the the Inter Committee, this is now a temporary and conditional agreement and not a blank check. We made sure Europe has tools, commissioner, this is really important, that Europe has the tools to react to Trump's chaos because that's what was missing from the commission's proposal. A credible plan for what happens when The US escalates again. And what did they do today? They said, well, they want a 100% tariffs on French wine. There we go. We know, dear colleagues, it will happen. New threats, tariffs, and coercion will come. We urge the commission to take this deal and, if necessary, use the leverage that is in there.”
  EU-US trade relations
• 2026-03-09 “E-000966/2026 Answer given by Mr Šefčovič on behalf of the European Commission Since the adoption of Regulation (EU) No 1233/2011 1 , the Arrangement on Officially Supported Export Credits of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has been an integral part of EU law. The Commission conducts an annual review for the European Parliament on the basis of the Annual Activity Reports submitted by Member States on compliance with EU standards. Starting with the 2023 reporting year, this annual review includes detailed information on Export Credit Agencies climate policies and justifications provided by Member States for any remaining fossil fuel transactions. Additionally, the Commission led efforts to create a new transparency report with other participants to the Arrangement, providing exhaustive data on all energy sector transactions since 2015. The first report was published in November 2025 2 . Collectively, these initiatives ensure robust public scrutiny regarding Member States’ intentions to phase out export credits for fossil fuel energy projects 3 . Regarding the specific project mentioned, primary responsibility for due diligence lies with the individual Member State that must assess alignment with national, EU and international obligations, including the OECD Recommendation on Common Approaches for Officially Supported Export Credits and Environmental and Social Due Diligence, which is the benchmark for assessing human rights and environmental impacts. While the Commission does not intervene in individual project approvals, it pays attention to these issues when reviewing Member State reports under the Regulation, with a view to ensuring continued alignment with EU objectives. 1 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg/2011/1233/oj/eng. 2 Export Finance for Future, Transparency Report 2025, Annex II; https://www.exportkreditgarantien.de/_Resources/Persistent/b/7/1/5/b715c13f8a6fc669f97c8313d277319089595 7d8/e3f-annual-transparency-report-2025.pdf. 3 Council conclusion on export credits, 15 March 2022; https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/pressreleases/2022/03/15/the-council-adopted-conclusions-on-export-credits/pdf.”
  Climate efforts · EU policy on social & environmental impact of foreign investments
• 2026-02-25 “E-000801/2026 Answer given by Executive Vice-President Mînzatu on behalf of the European Commission The Commission is aware of concerns related to the conditions of accommodation of posted workers as noted in the Implementation report of Directive (EU) 2018/957 1 and has suggested follow-up actions. The cooperation established between German and Dutch authorities, also involving the European Labour Authority, shows how successful inspections can be organised in that area 2 .The Commission recognises that national legislation and increased attention to law enforcement on the ground constitute key elements to address these problems 3 . The European Affordable Housing Plan 4 puts forward actions aiming at facilitating affordable housing to most vulnerable groups. It does not particularly envisage situations like the one described by the Honourable Members in which case employers’ obligations stem from the applicable labour laws. EU law on free movement of workers ensures that mobile workers have the same rights as national workers in housing 5 . The Commission has supported the Euregional Information and Expertise Centre 6 since 2019 with grants from the EU’s Internal Security Fund – Police and, by doing so, contributes to the close cooperation of Dutch, Belgian and German authorities. Beyond that, the Commission also supports the trade-union driven fair labour mobility EU project 7 ; labour conditions of people working in the domain of meat processing is one of the areas of particular attention for the project team 8 . 1 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:52024DC0320. 2 https://www.landtag.nrw.de/portal/WWW/dokumentenarchiv/Dokument/MMV18-1171.pdf. 3 Erol, Şerife/Thorsten Schulten (2025) Neue Arbeitswelt in der Fleischindustrie, https://www.wsi.de/de/faust-detail.htm?produkt=HBS-009091. 4 https://housing.ec.europa.eu/european-affordable-housing-plan_en. 5 Article 9(1) of Regulation (EU) No 492/2011 on freedom of movement for workers within the Union, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg/2011/492/oj/eng. 6 https://euriec.eu/en. 7 https://www.fair-labour-mobility.eu/. 8 https://www.faire-mobilitaet.de/fachinformationen/brancheninformationen/fleischindustrie/.”
  EU regulation of cross-border and posted workers · EU policy on labour exploitation in global supply chains · EU housing policy
• 2026-02-11 “E-000572/2026 Answer given by Ms Kos on behalf of the European Commission The Commission has consistently drawn attention to the dire conditions in prisons in North Macedonia, including in its 2025 enlargement report 1 and has raised the issue in the regular political dialogues, including the recent Stabilisation and Association Committee 2 and Justice Freedom and Security Subcommittee 3 meetings. The Commission monitors the situation closely together with partners such as the Council of Europe’s Committee for the Prevention of Torture. The EU provides concrete assistance to improve the conditions in prisons of North Macedonia. Consular assistance and protection for EU citizens detained in the country falls under the responsibility and authority of the relevant Member State. The Commission works closely with Member States on these matters. 1 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/SK/ALL/?uri=CELEX:52025SC0753. 2 19th meeting of the Stabilisation and Association Committee between the European Union and the Republic of North Macedonia - Enlargement and Eastern Neighbourhood, 13 February 2026: https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/news/19th-meeting-stabilisation-and-association-committee-between-europeanunion-and-republic-north-2026-02-13_en#x. 3 20th meeting of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement Subcommittee with North Macedonia on Justice, Freedom and Security, 19 March 2026: https://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/north-macedonia/20th-meetingstabilisation-and-association-agreement-subcommittee-north-macedonia-justice-freedom_en?s=229.”
  EU relations with Western Balkans
• 2026-01-14 “Answer given by Executive Vice-President Séjourné on behalf of the European Commission 9.6.2026 Written question The Commission is aware that many Member States have made use of the possibility provided by Directive 2013/29/EU [1] to ban certain categories of pyrotechnic articles. The Commission recognises that, while such national restrictions are intended to address safety, security or environmental risks in the Member State concerned, they can be circumvented by cross-border and online sales. The Commission has published an evaluation of Directive 2013/29/EU [2] and carried out a feasibility study on reducing the security risks posed by the criminal misuse of pyrotechnics [3] . Those studies show a comprehensive picture of pyrotechnics-related issues in the EU and of the functioning of the directive. They provide a solid basis for considerations on the need of additional EU-wide measures. Following the assessment announced in the Internal Security Strategy ProtectEU [4] and to address the identified shortcomings, the Commission is currently launching the impact assessment process for a revision of the directive on pyrotechnic articles. [1] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/dir/2013/29/oj/eng. [2] https://ec.europa.eu/transparency/documents-register/detail?ref=SWD(2025)268&lang=en. [3] https://op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/8c60b929-ba34-11f0-b37f-01aa75ed71a1. [4] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX%3A52025DC0148.”
  EU measures on lifestyle-related behaviours (smoking, drinking, eating, etc.) · Air quality policy
• 2026-01-06 “P-000016/2026 Answer given by Ms Lahbib on behalf of the European Commission The Commission is unequivocal that the non-governmental organisation (NGO) registration law cannot be implemented in its current form 1 , as reiterated in the joint statement 2 by the High-Representative/Vice-President (HR/VP) for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management and Commissioner for the Mediterranean, on 6 January 2026. The current process, and the pending de-registration of 37 international NGOs (INGOs), is an obstacle to the delivery of aid in Gaza. The EU has been raising these issues with Israeli authorities and partners, including through diplomatic engagement with the Israeli Foreign Minister. The Commission advocates for a registration framework based on clear criteria, minimal administrative requirements and streamlined renewal procedures, that respects international humanitarian law and humanitarian principles. INGOs are essential to enable the scaling up of assistance and delivery of critical services. The Commission will continue to support its certified EU INGOs, as long as they can operate and has no intention of suspending its humanitarian funding to INGOs in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. After the review of Israel’s obligations under Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement 3 , conducted by HR/VP for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy with the support of a majority of Member States, the Commission proposed to partially suspend the participation of Israel in Horizon Europe 4 . Commission President announced a set of measures in her 2025 State of the Union to address the deteriorating situation in Gaza and in the West Bank 5 . The latter was addressed in every Foreign Affairs Council since 7 October 2023, and discussions continue in the Council. 1 On 18 December 2025, the European Council called for immediate and unhindered access to humanitarian aid, along with its sustained delivery across Gaza, and emphasised that the UN, its agencies, and humanitarian organisations must be able to operate independently and impartially. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2025/12/18/european-council-conclusions-on-themiddle-east-european-defence-and-security-next-mff-enlargement-and-reforms-migration-and-other-items/. 2 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/statement_26_41. 3 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2009:313:0081:0082:EN:PDF. 4 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_25_1921. 5 https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/ov/SPEECH_25_2053.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine · Support for international humanitarian organisations · EU Development & Humanitarian Aid
• 2025-11-05 “E-004375/2025 Answer given by Mr Šefčovič on behalf of the European Commission The Commission has been in regular contact with the representative association of e-bike assemblers as well as individual companies and has been assisting companies in all matters linked to the regulatory framework. The implementation of market surveillance, the EU Customs Code, including general rules of interpretation lies, however, within the Member States customs and market surveillance authorities’ competence. The Commission has also been in contact with Member States regarding some of the concerns brought to the Commission’s attention by the e-bikes assemblers for appropriate follow-up. Anti-circumvention measures have been imposed on bicycle parts to tackle circumvention practices by Chinese exporters. Nonetheless, bicycle assemblers in the EU not circumventing the measures were exempted. Today more than 150 companies (many of which small and medium enterprises (SMEs)) benefit from the exemption. In parallel, the end use procedure allows e-bikes assemblers in the EU to import components duty-free. This system strikes a balance between the warranted protection of the EU industry from unfair competition and the supply of components needed for the bicycle assembly and has proven effective over the years. The measures on bicycles (both conventional and electric) have proven efficient and allowed the EU industry to prosper. Today, the industry is composed of several hundred SMEs and is accountable for thousands of jobs in the EU. It is an innovative industry constantly developing and investing in new technologies and in the parts production in the EU. This development was largely possible because trade defence measures shielded the industry from unfairly low priced Chinese imports.”
  EU policy on custom fee on non-EU imports · Trade relations with China
• 2025-05-26 “E-002098/2025 Answer given by Mr Šefčovič on behalf of the European Commission The EU continues to attach high value to its strategic partnership with Morocco, which is long-standing, wide-ranging and deep 1 . The Commission has taken note of the judgement of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in Joined Cases C-779/21 P and C-799/21 P 2 on the annulment of the Council Decision 3 concerning the extension to Western Sahara of the EU-Morocco tariff liberalisation commitments, which apply to products originating in Western Sahara. The Commission is engaged in discussions with the Moroccan authorities to find a solution following the judgement. In line with the CJEU judgement, the effects of the annulled Council Decision are to be maintained for a period of twelve months from the date of delivery of the judgment, i.e. until 4 October 2025. The annulment of the agreement does not affect the rules on the indication of the country of origin of fruit and vegetables harvested in Western Sahara and marketed in the EU as the CJEU has also confirmed in a judgment of the same day (C-399/22) 4 that the rules laid down in Regulation (EU) No 1308/2013 5 and the predecessor of Regulation (EU) 2023/2429 6 apply. The EU firmly intends to preserve and continue strengthening close relations with Morocco in all areas of the EU-Morocco Partnership, in line with the conclusions of the European Council of 17 October 2024. 1 See point 51 of the Conclusions of the European Council of 17 October 2024 (https://data.consilium.europa.eu/doc/document/ST-25-2024-INIT/en/pdf). 2 Judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 4 October 2024, European Commission and Council of the European Union v Front populaire pour la libération de la Saguia el-Hamra et du Rio de oro (Front Polisario), ECLI:EU:C:2024:835. 3 OJ L34/1 of 6.2.2019: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legalcontent/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=OJ:L:2019:034:FULL&from=PL. 4 Judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 4 October 2024, Confédération paysanne v Ministre de l’Agriculture et de la Souveraineté alimentaire and Ministre de l'Économie, des Finances et de la Souveraineté industrielle et numérique. ECLI:EU:C:2024:839. 5 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg/2013/1308/oj/eng. 6 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg_del/2023/2429/oj/eng.”
  Trade relations with Morocco
• 2025-05-14 “E-001942/2025 Answer given by Mr Šefčovič on behalf of the European Commission Since 2008, there are anti-dumping measures in place on imports of citric acid from China ranging between 16.3% and 42.7%. These measures were extended for a further five years, in April 2021, following an expiry review 1 . These measures reflect the levels of dumping found in the context of an investigation conducted in line with World Trade Organization and EU legislation. Measures in place may be reviewed on request by interested parties where there are changed circumstances of a lasting nature. The Commission conducts such reviews where it receives evidence from the European industry that action is warranted. The industries affected are invited to contact the Commission’s trade defence services 2 to explore the options. As regards the speed of trade defence investigations, in the modernisation of trade defence in 2018, the length of anti-dumping investigations was shortened by one month. Provisional measures are now imposed eight, and in some cases seven months after initiation. Also, since October 2024 the Commission registers imports in all ongoing new investigations to facilitate the retroactive application of measures, i.e. before the date of provisional measures, if the legal conditions allow 3 . With regard to additional support measures, it should be noted that the Joint European Forum for Important Projects of Common European Interest (IPCEI) is currently working on identifying a possible IPCEI candidate in the field of biotechnologies. Interested companies are invited to contact their respective national authorities to confirm whether their Member State is involved in this work and to inquire whether they may be included in the national consultation process. 1 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:32021R0607&from=EN. 2 https://policy.trade.ec.europa.eu/contacts/trade-defence-enquiries_en. 3 https://policy.trade.ec.europa.eu/news/commission-register-imports-all-products-under-trade-defenceinvestigations-bid-fight-unfair-2024-09-24_en.”
  Chinese clean tech competition: trade barriers and investment caps vs. open market · Trade relations with China
• 2025-04-30 “E-001719/2025 Answer given by Mr Várhelyi on behalf of the European Commission 1. The Commission recognises the challenges posed by tobacco products, including heated tobacco products. There are no safe levels of nicotine consumption, including from smokefree nicotine products. In 2022, the Commission adopted Delegated Directive (EU) 2022/2100 1 as regards the withdrawal of certain exemptions in respect of heated tobacco products. As a consequence, it is as of 2023 prohibited to place on the market heated tobacco products with a characterising flavour and stricter labelling requirements apply for heated tobacco products for smoking. 2. The Commission is currently conducting a comprehensive evaluation of the EU legislative framework on tobacco control 2 . It involves thoroughly considering a wide array of scientific, market and regulatory developments including the emergence of new tobacco and nicotine products, evolving digital marketing practices, and diverse national regulatory responses to different aspects of tobacco and nicotine products. In addition, the Commission supports Member States in implementing the Council Recommendation on smoke- and aerosol-free environments 3 through funding from the EU4Health programme 4 . 1 OJ L 283, 3.11.2022, p. 4. 2 https://ec.europa.eu/info/law/better-regulation/have-your-say/initiatives/13481-Evaluation-of-the-legislativeframework-for-tobacco-control_en. 3 https://commission.europa.eu/news/commission-proposes-extend-coverage-smoke-free-environments-2024-0917_en#:~:text=The%20revision%20calls%20on%20EU%20countries%20to:%20extend%20the%20coverage 4 https://hadea.ec.europa.eu/programmes/eu4health/about_en.”
  Restrictions of flavours in tobacco products · Heated tobacco products
• 2025-04-02 “E-001360/2025 Answer given by High Representative/Vice-President Kallas on behalf of the European Commission On 1 April 2025, the Spokesperson of the High Representative/Vice-President issued a statement on Chinese military drills which happened on the same day 1 . This followed the statements in response to the May 2 and October 3 2024 military drills, calling to avoid any actions that may further escalate cross-strait tensions. EU’s position on preserving the status quo in the Taiwan Strait and the concerns about increased tensions have been reiterated publicly and in bilateral meetings with China and with other partners. Most recently, during the second EU-Japan Strategic Dialogue (Brussels, 4 April 2025), the High Representative/Vice-President and the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs reaffirmed that peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait are of strategic importance for regional and global security and prosperity, and expressed their strong opposition to any unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force or coercion 4 . The Commission supports a strong trade and investment relationship with Taiwan that is results-driven. Since 2022 the Commission has upgraded the EU-Taiwan Trade and Investment Dialogue (TID), now conducted at Director-General level on the EU side. The third TID was held on 17 December 2024 5 , covering economic security challenges, in addition to bilateral trade and investment matters, as well as future cooperation. The existing architecture of the TID provides sufficient flexibility to address the breadth and depth of issues that need to be discussed. The Commission remains open to expanding the scope of exchanges to any new areas of shared interest in the framework of the TID. 1 https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/taiwan-statement-spokesperson-china%E2%80%99s-military-drills-0_en 2 https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/taiwan-statement-spokesperson-china%E2%80%99s-military-drills_en 3 https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/taiwan-statement-spokesperson-china%E2%80%99s-latest-military-drills_en 4 https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/japan-high-representativevice-president-kallas-holds-second-eu-japanstrategic-dialogue-foreign_en 5 https://policy.trade.ec.europa.eu/news/eu-and-taiwan-hold-third-trade-and-investment-dialogue-2024-12-17_en”
  EU-China relations · Trade relations with China
• 2025-03-27 “E-001293/2025 Answer given by Executive Vice-President Virkkunen on behalf of the European Commission Pursuant to Article 33 of the Digital Services Act (DSA) 1 , the Commission may designate online platforms as very large online platforms (VLOP) and very large search engines (VLOSES) when they have a number of average monthly active recipients (AMAR) in the EU equal to or exceeding 45 million. According to Telegram, its overall service had fewer than 45 million AMAR as of February 2025, which is below the designation threshold 2 . The responsibility to calculate AMAR, notably to comply with the publication obligation under Article 24(3) of the DSA, rests on the provider of the service 3 . When calculating AMAR, the provider shall consider all relevant provisions, including Recital 77 DSA on the AMAR notion. The Commission is actively monitoring Telegram’s methodology and numbers, market trends and is in contact with interested stakeholders and authorities, particularly the Belgian Digital Services Coordinator (DSC) 4 which is competent for supervising Telegram’s compliance with the DSA as Telegram’s designated legal representative is in Belgium 5 . The Commission will be attentive to the updated AMAR related information that Telegram must publish in August 2025 as well as any other information available to the Commission and decide on the appropriate course of action 6 . Under the DSA, VLOPs and VLOSEs have more stringent rules to comply with than other platforms which do not reach the 45 million threshold and have not been designated as VLOPs and VLOSEs 7 . The Commission enforces the DSA in a diligent and nondiscriminatorily manner. Finally, the Commission works closely with Member States, both bilaterally and in the European Board for Digital Services, to ensure a consistent and efficient DSA implementation. 1 Regulation (EU) 2022/2065 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 19 October 2022 on a Single Market for Digital Services and amending Directive 2000/31/EC (Digital Services Act), OJ L 277, 27.10.2022, p. 1-102. 2 https://telegram.org/tos/eu-dsa 3 The Commission may adopt a delegated act for the calculation of AMAR pursuant to Article 24(2) DSA. However, this has not been the case to date. 4 More information on the role of Digital Services Coordinators can be found on: https://digitalstrategy.ec.europa.eu/en/policies/dsa-dscs. 5 Pursuant to Article 3(n) DSA, the Digital Services Coordinator of establishment encompasses the Digital Services Coordinator of the Member State where the legal representative of the provider of an intermediary service is established. 6 Pursuant to Article 33(4) DSA, the Commission may designate a service, on the basis of self-reported data or information requested pursuant to Article 24(3) DSA or any other information available to the Commission. 7 More information on the obligations applicable to VLOPs and VLOSEs can be found on: https://digitalstrategy.ec.europa.eu/en/policies/dsa-vlops”
  Digital platforms liability for harmful and illegal content · EU rules on digital competition
• 2025-03-26 “P-001270/2025 Answer given by Mr Síkela on behalf of the European Commission A project funded by the EU and the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) is under implementation. It aims to promote modernisation of the mining sector in Rwanda and specifically supports technical and vocational education training, skills training, improvement of safe working conditions based on international standards, and digitalisation of mining sector services. The project was approved under the multiannual indicative programme for Rwanda, for 2021-2023. Project activities do not involve direct mining investments, nor the extraction, transformation or processing of minerals. The project is implemented by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) with the Rwanda Mines, Petroleum and Gas Board (RMB) and the Integrated Polytechnic Regional College in Kigali, as the two main local partners. The project is co-financed with BMZ and implemented by GIZ, with whom the Commission has signed a Delegation Agreement. The EU funds under this project are administered directly by GIZ, applying standard regulations in terms of justification of expenses. GIZ is a pillar assessed Member State organisation and project implementation is subject to GIZ contractual rules and internal controls This means that it is GIZ and not the Commission, who has signed a contract with RMB according to their own pillar-assessed rules. Oversight is also ensured through the Project Steering Committee including the EU Delegation, which provides strategic guidance and oversight. On 17 March 2025, the EU adopted restrictive measures against, among others, sanctions on the current RMB’s chief executive officer 1 . RMB as an institution has not been sanctioned. The Commission has requested that GIZ as the implementing partner put in place all possible measures to ensure that the RMB’s chief executive officer does not benefit directly or indirectly, from any support provided to the RMB as an institution. 1 https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2025/03/17/democratic-republic-of-the-congo-eulists-further-nine-individuals-and-one-entity/.”
  EU-Rwanda relations · EU-Congo (DRC) relations
• 2024-12-19 “E-003069/2024 Answer given by Mr Síkela on behalf of the European Commission The Commission is supporting the sustainable development of critical raw material value chains, aligned with its commitment to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. The EU-Argentina Memorandum of Understanding 1 and roadmap of activities aim to advance sustainable critical raw materials (CRM) value chains by emphasising environmental, social and governance standards. Additionally, the Commission promotes civil society engagement and transparency through initiatives such as the Responsible Business Conduct 2 in Latin America and the Caribbean programme. The Commission has also launched a project 3 that will utilise Copernicus data to monitor environmental implications of lithium operations in salt flats. A working group on CRM has been established, bringing together companies, financial institutions, and Member States. A pipeline of projects with EU interest is being developed. The selection criteria for such projects include sustainability. Environmental and socially adverse impacts need to be minimised and prevented, and human and indigenous people’s rights need to be respected. No funding agreements have been signed yet. The Commission is finalising a study aimed at gathering first-hand information on civil society’s needs in Argentina’s lithium-mining regions. This assessment will guide further EU engagement and support EU investments in Argentina’s critical raw materials sector, ensuring they respect ecosystems, local rights, and the well-being of local communities and indigenous people. Finally, financing institutions funding projects are subject to due diligence in line with international and EU standards. 1 https://single-market-economy.ec.europa.eu/publications/memorandum-understanding-eu-argentinasustainable-raw-materials_en 2 https://www.ohchr.org/en/special-procedures/wg-business/joint-project-responsible-business-conduct-latinamerica-and-caribbean 3 https://www.copernicuslac-chile.eu/en/noticia/chile-european-union-launch-monitoring-system-andean-saltflats-south-america/”
  EU Development & Humanitarian Aid · Global priorities for international development
• 2024-12-04 “E-002745/2024 Answer given by Executive Vice-President Séjourné on behalf of the European Commission The Lifts Directive (2014/33/EU) 1 requires that ‘cars must be fitted with two-way means of communication allowing permanent contact with a rescue service’. The two European harmonised standards 2 cited in the Official Journal in support of the Lifts Directive have relevant clauses. To date, the Commission has no evidence on the existence of safety or interoperability issues related to the emergency call systems. The Commission is currently undertaking an evaluation of the Lifts Directive 3 and would welcome any information in this respect 4 . 1 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:32014L0033 2 EN 81-20:2020 Part 20: ‘Passenger and goods passenger lifts’ and EN 81-28:2003: ‘Remote alarm on passenger and goods passenger lifts’. 3 https://single-market-economy.ec.europa.eu/sectors/mechanical-engineering/lifts_en 4 GROW-LIFTS@ec.europa.eu.”
  EU competences on consumer protection and product standards · EU Single Market harmonisation
• 2024-12-04 “E-002744/2024 Answer given by Executive Vice-President Séjourné on behalf of the European Commission 1. The Commission has already published all Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) on its website 1 . 2. The Commission drafts the roadmaps of the MoUs with the partner country, in cooperation with the European delegation and the Member States’ embassies. The roadmaps are workinglevel documents. The Commission reports on the progress achieved on the partnerships and on the roadmaps to the Critical Raw Materials Board 2 . The Parliament is an observer to the Board. 3. The MoU between the EU and Rwanda 3 has as one of its main objectives to support the sustainable and responsible sourcing, production and processing of raw materials, in line with the EU’s renewed Great Lakes Strategy 4 . The goal is to increase traceability and transparency and to reinforce the fight against illegal trafficking of minerals. Notably, the MoU with Rwanda supports Rwanda’s engagement with the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative. In addition, the EU fully supports regional efforts to increase traceability and transparency and reinforce the fight against illegal trafficking of minerals, including through support to the relevant work and action of the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region of which all the countries in the region including Rwanda are members. In view of the latest developments, the Foreign Affairs Council of 24 February 2025 also discussed the need to review the MoU with Rwanda on a strategic partnership on sustainable raw material value chains. This review is now ongoing. 1 https://single-market-economy.ec.europa.eu/sectors/raw-materials/areas-specific-interest/raw-materialsdiplomacy_en 2 https://single-market-economy.ec.europa.eu/sectors/raw-materials/areas-specific-interest/critical-rawmaterials/critical-raw-materials-act/board_en 3 https://ec.europa.eu/docsroom/documents/58035 4 Council Conclusions of 20 February 2023, https://data.consilium.europa.eu/doc/document/ST-6631-2023INIT/en/pdf”
  Due diligence in supply chains (environmental and human rights) · EU policy on social & environmental impact of foreign investments
• “Thank you, Madam President. Colleagues. We are. Our union is being attacked and that is what is at stake. I think this has already been stated. A policy to follow Trump, to, um, just swallow a bad trade agreement. I think that this should be an era of the past. Our workers, our future, our sovereignty cannot be threatened and never again. We shouldn't look at ourselves as if we were smaller than we actually are. We are an economic superpower. We must use that power. So yes, Council. Commission colleagues, please show leadership leadership this week. Let us have a clear message, not just in reaction to Trump, but also towards our people. Let us activate the anti coercion instrument. It is the best way for us to show the world that we can and will. Use our economic power. And yes, let us fight for our sovereignty. Let us have a broad partnership in the world with Canada, Indonesia and Mercosur, Mercosur and India. That is the response to Trump. It is the time for truth. Let us move from words to deeds.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “(10:17:40 – 10:21:20): Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you very much to the representatives of the commission for their explanations. And today, we are in the trade committee, but we all know that this debate is not only about trade. It's about something much, much bigger than that. It's about the credibility of the European Union that claims to stand for its own value and for international law, which we tend to do in many cases, but not in this case. And that's why this is bigger than trade. Last year, let me go few steps back. It has been mentioned also by our chair, but the EEAS own review has concluded that there is a breach of article 2 of the EU Israel association agreement. This is not a political opinion. This is a legal finding. And that finding gives European Union not only the possibility, but the responsibility to act. And thank you for the explanation coming from the EEAS, to explain that the situation today after the genocide in Gaza has not improved and that humanitarian situation is still disastrous. But on top of that, we see more violence against Palestinian civilians, an introduction of the death penalty, more settlement expansion in the West Bank, and a military operation across the region including also violations of international law and war law in Lebanon. And there's also a more fundamental layer. Under international law, including the genocide convention, we all here also in this parliament have the duty to take action to prevent a potential genocide. So my questions are quite simple, and I do know that you haven't found a qualified majority yet. But normally, the commission can be much more active. You don't just sit there and see, oh, there's not yet a qualified majority. What action did you actually undertake as a commission? And not just say everything and drop it in the council's hands. What follow-up action is the commission preparing now that the last council meeting on foreign affairs did not come to a decision? What are you intending to do? And let me go to the issue of the trade with illegal settlements, also a very, very long-standing issue and problem. And the current differentiation policy, which offers labels and tariff exclusion, is not enough. It may discourage some trade flows, but it does not stop them. And at the same time, we are seeing that in member states, they're moving on their own. Spain is already banning products and countries like Ireland, Belgium, Slovenia, and The Netherlands are preparing or considering similar steps. And it's up to the commission to make sure that we have one approach to this and not all these different approaches in member states. And lastly, last week, we have seen the commission warn Israel that it is ready to consider sanctions over trade in Ukraine grain stolen by Russia. That is the right reaction. So good that we go in that direction. So my questions, and you haven't given an answer to that: When will the commission finally bring forward a really legislative proposal to ban trade with illegal settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory? Sorry. It is your task. That is your obligation to come up with a proposal. Does the commission confirm that this can be done under the common commercial policy and therefore by qualified majority in the council? And how will the commission stop a patchwork of national bans and instead ensure a single coherent euro?”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Thank you very much. And let me first agree very much with my colleague. Um, this is the I think the main reason why this committee exists and why we need a very powerful report, um, and to take this, this on board this, uh, we by know by now, I think more or less we know how it functions. Um, the foreign interference, it's all about the disintegration of our democracies, but also of the European European Union and the integration of the European Union. And it goes via the weakening of our public opinion towards the war in Ukraine, but also, again, the integration of our of, of Europe. Um, I have a few questions related to the Voice of Europe. Um, because we have taken sanctions to the Voice of Europe, to the people who finance it, to the broadcasting itself. But it seems absolutely not sufficient enough. And again, it's something that we need to take on board in our report. But to our to our guests, I would like to ask him, how would he strengthen, uh, the policies of the European Union to because the Voice of Europe is maybe one of the best known example, um, of how that foreign interference works. Um, and what should be the main purpose of our policies and how can we strengthen that? Um, do we know, do we need to go into really the labeling of what is being put on social media, um, connected to media that is, um, that is false media or media that is used to, um, to, to, to distribute, um, that sort of external influence. It would be helpful for our report if you give us our insights on that. Thank you very much.”
  Foreign interference in Europe
• “Thank you. Thank you very much for for this opportunity. And I'm very much looking forward to the the feedback that we can get from from the commission. I don't think I have to spend too many words on the circumstances we are in. We've had so many debates in, in, in, in many committees and also in, plenary about the situation in Israel and mainly the situation in Gaza. We can not agree on all on all circumstances. But but I think by now and that was also the question. Um, um, raised in the council, um, uh, towards the commission that um, on article two with regard to the, to the, to the agreement, um, the trade agreement with Israel, that by now there is the conclusion that we that we have a breach of of that article two. And I think it's important that we now come up with some sort of, uh, proposals on how to deal with that. Um, uh, can I, can I ask the commission to say what will be, um, the actions that they can take? I think it's a long standing issue, an issue to advocate for an EU wide import ban on products from illegal settlement Settlements and an arms embargo against Israel, for instance. I think there's a lot of issues at stake here, and I think I would want to listen to the commission how they will come up with proposals. One of the things is many member states are hiding again against each other's arguments and saying, the one is saying, the one is saying the one sorry, one is saying this and the other is saying the other. And so there is no unanimity in in the Council, and the Commission is hiding behind the fact that there is no unanimity in the Council to absolutely not act at all, but the Commission can act.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Thank you very much, president and colleagues. Can I start by saying that nobody, I guess nobody, is asking for an escalation in the trade war. For especially not sad. But that doesn't matter that this is a good deal or that the response of Europe is sufficient. And yes, I do talk to industries and workers in the industry as well. They feel the impact of these tariffs every single day. And from the very beginning we as S&D were crystal clear. Trump tariff war is illegal, it is unfair and it is unacceptable. And on top of that, I have to say to our colleagues, unfortunately, and I say really, unfortunately, it does not give our people and business the certainty and the stability that they need. Just look at the 407 products that were added to the 50 tariff after the deal has already been struck. We can never allow that the rule of international law is replaced by the law of the jungle. So we need solutions and they will not come from the US. They need to come from Europe. And that requires a strong, broad and united response that we will have to work on in this Parliament. Therefore, we urge you, Commissioner, first to look to activate the anti-corruption instrument. It will make us ready to take countermeasures when necessary in the face of Trump's threats. We need to implement a sunset clause, take measures to protect our industries and strengthen the internal market. And thirdly, we need to unite with our partners around the globe, like minded partners, to coordinate our response to the US and to China. President von der Leyen said this morning a new, new Europe must emerge and that requires leadership and courage. It does for our workers, our businesses and our future. And I count on your support to do that.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “Thank you. Well, thank you very much, chair. And, um, thank you for being here and giving us some feedback. I think, um, well, a meeting that is quite timely. Um, I learned something new from your big boss in the meeting before, um, on the tariffs on the American tariffs that we need strategic patience. And I saw you mentioning patience as well. So maybe it's already an act of the commission in these difficult times. But the question is not to be strategic with China. The question is what is happening now with the tariffs and in the world and the geopolitics, will that make all of this all of a sudden China a reliable trading partner? I don't know, it's not a rhetorical question. It's not a cynical question. It's really a severe question that I ask myself. Is it a good idea? Now all of a sudden to jump into China, which for the for the. I think you're not. Excuse me. So it's very difficult to talk when you're a witch. I don't think you're doing it. But I think we have to be very vigilant on that.”
  Trade relations with China
• “Thank you. Thank you very much. And thank you to our rapporteur, um, for I think a very good start in document because that's what it is. It's a starting document, um, where we will um, in the next months to come put extra work in. But it's good. It's been mentioned before. I like that very much. It's very well structured. Um, and that is not just nice to have. It's very important because, um, the task of this committee is extremely complex, and it starts with a good structure of how you analyze the situation and where you would want to put emphasis on so that that is excellent. Um, and as I said, a very good basis. Um, to, to further work on, I want to highlight a few aspects, um, that I think are important and I need to be stressed in the future a little bit more. Well, much more. It's the external dimension. It's in there, no problem. But it's the external dimension in particular, as you mentioned also in your introduction, um, enlargement, because the way we look at the external dimension is different when we look to, let's say, democracy in, in Thailand or Indonesia, Russia, um, than to the countries that we want to get into the European Union. The standards of what we have should be exactly the same. And that's what we need to work for. And not so long ago, a week ago, there were the Serbian students here in, in Brussels. And I mentioned that because it's it's important to mention that in one of the, one of the very important countries in the Western Balkans, Serbia, um, the decline of democracy is really severe.”
  EU enlargement
• “Well, fortunately, I am not part of the member states. I'm part of a member state, but not from the council. And I understand your question. We said from the start, in many debates we had in the committee that we wanted to activate anti coercion. It does not mean that you have to use it, but then you stand ready to take much broader countermeasures than only on tariffs. You know, one of the reasons why the countermeasures on tariffs were not so effective in there, making sure that that makes some impression to Trump is because in the council, there were so many exemptions. And we already from the start said we also have to look at business, not businesses looking for the words, the help. Somebody help me. Huh? No. Not companies. Of course we have to look at companies. But what I mean is services. Sorry for that. To look at services. And the anti coercion will give us the opportunity to have much more broader measures and we can take them into account. You saw what happened exactly after this deal. Immediately Trump started to threaten us when it came to the DSA and the DMA. So we need to stand ready to make sure that when the threats go. Sorry for that president. And that is why we want to activate the anti coercion. Thank you.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “(10:21:20 – 10:21:53): See the escalation over the last few months when we look at the very serious humanitarian situation in Gaza, when we look at the illegal expansion in the West Bank area due to colonists and the serious situation with human rights and international law. These were reasons why the commission said it was going to suspend the agreement between Israel and the EU. But without an official declaration, the violation of article 2.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “I only heard part of your feedback of our rapporteur, but I'm quite sure that was quite complete. Maybe a few things. Um, also for the future. I agree we it was a very good delegation. We spoke with one voice. Um, I think we had good discussions on UDR and I think on both sides there has been a growing understanding of what the problem, but also the solutions are. There is a good atmosphere, partly helped by the so-called Liberation Day. Um, I think two issues that are still very important and might be hurdles in the upcoming discussions. I think the agricultural side as always, but also, um, public procurement and intellectual property rights and and on the last, um, we agreed, you and me, that we would have a common monitoring group on intellectual property rights, both on Indonesia and on Thailand, because there are well equal issues over there. And we want to get into the details. I think it's important that we as a Parliament have a big understanding. So also a call to the colleagues to be there because I think it's important. It will be important on other negotiations as well. But now on Thailand and Indonesia. Last point, a little bit of a criticism to ourselves. I said that also when we were there, um, our delegation was an excellent delegation, if I can say so, but not very balanced in gender. Um, and I think that's not how we should approach other countries. Um, I think it is important we met with members of parliament of their delegation was much more balanced than we were. And I think it's important that we we keep that in mind. I'm not arguing for quota or anything, but I think it's up to every political group to make sure that, that these delegations are much more balanced. Um, well, thank you very much.”
  Gender roles, equality and inclusion
• “Thank you very much. Um, as always, very interesting. And you're open minded, um, and frank analysis of the state of play. Um, it's good for, uh, to have that discussion. Um, let me first also congratulate you on Indonesia. I think, um, it's it's probably not the perfect, um, trade agreement like New Zealand, but it goes in a good direction. Um, and my first question is about Thailand. You said I'm not going into that, but, um, in the beginning of this term, I thought it would be go together. Indonesia and Thailand. Not exactly, but, um, looking forward to some issues on the timing. Um, let me then you said something interesting that that that is important. No trade agreement can change our laws. Um, not on anything. Rightly so. I don't think that would ever be accepted in in the Parliament. But trade agreements or joint declaration might help not to conduct laws or to implement them. And I come to the deforestation. I know it's not your competence, but I think it's important that you take that on board. Nobody believes that this is just an IT problem. And if it's an IT problem, I think we can find some engineers to, to to find a quick solution on that. By the way the EPP said no, no it's not an IT problem. We want we don't want this regulation. And that's the reason why we postpone it for another year. So we are the message is, is clear. Um, Mercosur will be very, very difficult to establish a majority in the parliament. For that you need to convince a lot of people. One of the issues is agriculture. You answered a lot of questions on that. But the other issues remain sustainability. And we need the deforestation Forestation regulation to be able to conclude the Mercosur agreement. And so any IT problem can be solved for that. Thank you.”
  Trade relations with Mercosur
• “Thank you very much, Mrs. Minister. Commissioner, we are facing a moment of truth in our trade relations with the US. Yes, we have shown patience and we have engaged and negotiated in good faith, as you mentioned. But here we are. Deadline day. No deal, no relief. With Trump now even threatening 50% tariffs on copper and a staggering 200% on pharmaceuticals. That is not a relationship. That is an abuse. And Commissioner, I said it before. I admire your calmness and your determination. And yes, we support your work and we hope you find a deal, but not at any cost because we do not care about the deal with Trump. We do care about our workers, their jobs, their livelihoods, and about our businesses. So, Commissioner, our group has three messages for you today. One, it is time to set a clear deadline and with retaliation if necessary, not only on goods but also on services. Two that is more domestic and not always in your competencies, but protect workers and business in Europe. Thousands of jobs are at risk and now take immediate action to protect them. And three. Do not let Trump play. Divide and conquer. Not with Europe. Not with the world. And so it is time to team up with countries like Canada, UK, Japan, Australia and establish a real trade coalition of the willing. It is time for Europe to strengthen up, to lead. Please, Commissioner, do not let the bully win. Push back. Thank you.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “And the question is now, is this an agreement that will that can carry through any other judgment because other judgments will come? So please, if you could please answer the questions on the timing, because the timing is completely unreliable. And I do not think anybody in this, in this Parliament believes that the timing is the right timing. Can you also give us some, um, some proof of the fact that there is a truly secured consent of the Saharawi people on what is in front of us? Can you prove us to that? What sort of methodology did you use? Um, and maybe you should put that in writing also. An enforcement. Enforcement was also a very, a very peculiar thing. Um, while the new text includes updated labelling and reiterates monitoring commitments. The practical implementation mechanism appears largely unchanged compared to the 2018 agreement, raising again legitimate questions about compliance with the court's standards. I think you need to come up with real decent answers to this Parliament, because otherwise I think you will have you will have a problematic situation.”
  EU policy on Western Sahara
• “(16:43:15 – 16:52:08): So last words from Sabine. Thank you very much, for all these nice words. If I had known you would be so nice to me for my last appearance here, I would have left earlier, you know, to benefit from this. No. Thank you thank you very much, for your kind words, but also for maintaining the critical spirit because that is important. We are in a situation where Europe suffers from a lack of competitiveness, which basically hampers our ability to hold our own in a global environment, which is characterized by the law of the jungle. If we want to survive in that world, we first of all have to get our own house in order. And, yes, that means bringing together energy, industrial, and trade policy. It also means protecting where protection is necessary. But let's also be clear, protectionism does not protect. We need the we need inputs from outside the world. We need markets outside the EU. We will not reach the economies of scale we need to be competitive if we are only limited to the EU market. That is not possible. We do not have all the raw materials we need. We should not depend on getting them only from China. We need to see what we can get inside the EU, but we will depend on input from outside the EU. Innovation is spurred by outside competition. So we will not be competitive by reducing competition on the EU market. And that is what we tried to achieve with the IAA where we said here, we basically want to make sure that competition is fair, which is the reason why we opened up public procurement for those countries that reciprocate that are open to the EU. Because we our companies also depend on being able to compete in govern in in public procurement outside the EU. That is a large part of their of their of their income. So that is why what we are doing here is based on reciprocity. And I think that is what needs to guide also the implementation of the IAA. There's still a lot of work to be done in the IAA because a lot of provisions are obviously subject to differing interpretations. So that needs to be clarified in the legislative process. And then there is a lot of detail that is relegated to secondary legislation. I can only invite you to also be attentive to that so that we really get the balance right here. Now in terms of using trade policy to protect the EU against unfair competition, yes, that is necessary, but it only works it it basically creates a breathing space for industry in order to become competitive again. If we do not if we don't use that breathing space to address the root causes of the lack of competitiveness, then, you know, the industry will not survive. Then we would risk ending up turning the EU into an industrial museum where we only protect sectors that are no longer able to compete globally. That's not what we want. We want to use trade protection so that the industry actually reforms, modernises, innovates. That's what we are trying to do. The steel protection will only work if the steel industry in Europe seriously invests in its modernization, in becoming greener, in decarbonizing, etcetera. Otherwise, it is just, you know, subsidizing profits of companies that would not invest in their in their modernization. That cannot be the case. So we need to be serious about the consistency and coherence between industrial energy and trade policy. And, yes, we have a massive problem of energy prices in the in the EU. A lot of these problems are also homemade. They depend also on how we organize energy markets in the EU. From that point of view, you're in luck because my successor, Didi Jorgensen, has been director general for energy. So she knows all these issues inside out. But that that is what we need to work on. But let's not make the mistake that by shutting ourselves off from competition from the rest of the world, we would be able to be competitive. You cannot just play defense. You have to play offense. That is what we need to do through trade policy, through industrial policy, through through energy policy. Now in terms of trade policy proper, yes. And I'm the first to have touted the fact that we have concluded many more agreements than we did in the previous mandate. But this does not come out of the blue. This is not you know, these are not agreements that have been done in 3 months or 6 months or even a year. No. These are agreements that have come to fruition after years, sometimes decades of negotiations. And all this work went into this. We would not have been able to conclude in conclude India, you know, within a year or whatever, if we hadn't had careful preparation. But the fact that the world has become a much more inhospitable place, that there is less respect for the rule of law, that there is a lot more throwing around of weight, has also changed attitudes and, yes, led to more pragmatism on all sides. But we have held out for high quality agreements. I must say India is so much better than I hope we would be able to do when we set out to do this. Indonesia is a high quality agreement. Mercosur is a high quality agreement. Australia is a high quality agreement. So and all these agreements are the result of years of painstaking negotiation, of painstaking consultations with the member states, with the European parliament. Don't forget you all have monitoring groups which follow this in great detail of working with companies. I mean, we are checking checking all this back. So the idea that the commission imposes trade policy measures or trade agreements is simply not reflecting reality. At each and every step, we tie ourselves back to the interest we diff interest we defend. Until until the end of the negotiations, there's a continuous process of of of consultation. And we are trying to take everyone on board. But it is also clear that it is much easier to reach consensus if a single member state does not have the power to block an agreement. Because in the end, the responsibility for trade policy has to go hand in hand with the democratic scrutiny. It has to be at the same level. And that is the reason why I'm a big fan of having the European Parliament be the parliamentary arm of our trade policy, because that is what you are here for. Because if you decide on trade policy not for 1 member state, as a as a national parliament would do, and that's logical, that's what they are elected for, a national parliament is not elected to decide on trade policy for a whole continent. You are, and that is a huge responsibility, but it is also the guarantee that the decisions are taken at the right level and that there is a consistency between responsibility and democratic accountability. And we really have to stick to that. We have that in legislation. There's no reason why we wouldn't have that in in trade policy. I think that is extremely extremely important. Now on on China. Look. We share the same planet. We have to continue to find a way to exist together. But we also have to do that with clarity about what we can take and what we cannot take and with the ability to defend our interests and values. That means that with China, we have to have a dialogue. So we need to engage with them. That is not easy, but there's no way around the fact that we have to engage with them in order to manage the relationship as best as we can. But we also have to be able to have in our hands the tools to defend ourselves if the dialogue does not deliver. I think that is what we need to do as regards China. And then the third component is, of course, diversification. So, I mean, we are always and that's why I only talked about this in the end because we tend to be focused on the big elephants, China and”
  Chinese clean tech competition: trade barriers and investment caps vs. open market
• “It's the event of of not the day, not the week, not the month, but of the last year. And it will be the event of the coming of the coming year. And I think we are a little bit in a different mood there. And I understand that you have to defend it, but I do want to explain as well where the where we are as a political group and how we look at it. We were not happy with the agreement at all from the start. We said it's not it's not an equilibrium. The one has 15% and we lowered to 0% because they threatened more than 20%. We didn't think it was a good deal. We were ready to work on that. And our rapporteur, who is also a chair did an extremely tough job and he had an extremely tough result, mainly on steel and aluminium, where we from the start said, you remember a few days after Turnberry, they already violated the deal, already violated the deal after that, other violations came and it all you have to understand how we feel about it. When he started violating the deal by threatening with tariffs on Greenland, we said, this is it. And now here we are with the court. And one of the arguments of the commission, I really want you to comment on that.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “You know, Mrs. Montserrat, we have. We have a we have a sort of joke in the sad group. Every time you take the floor in the plenary, you wait one minute, two minutes before you say the name Pedro Sanchez. But let me come to the council. Dear president, dear presidency of the Commission of the Council and of Parliament. When there is a storm outside, people look for shelter, a place where they can be safe and where they can count on protection. And, colleagues, I do not have to tell you that there is a storm outside, and anybody who looks to Europe for shelter, they will be disappointed today. Just look at the outcome of the EU summit genocide in Gaza. Not on the agenda. No action. Further support for Ukraine blocked sanctions against Russia, postponed ban on the Budapest Pride. Not on the agenda. The Serbian government's heavy handed attack on protesting students. Business as usual, Trump will see. It is very clear who gains from that approach. Putin. Trump. Netanyahu, Vucic, Erdogan, Orban, the council and you mentioned it. International law, multilateralism, rules based order are the principles on which Europe is built, and they are the strongest weapon that we have to defend people. But it only makes sense when you follow them consistently. If we uphold them every time and we protect them when they are under attack, we need to act by finally confronting Orban's attack on his own people, by giving Ukraine a clear and committed path towards EU accession, by stopping the appeasement of bullshit, and by finally doing what is right and suspending the Association agreement with Israel Council and the Commission. That would be leadership please act upon.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “But if we don't implement them, then the next good intention, namely the economic security policy will be more or less of the same. And then we can all think and rethink. And that's good because we need strategies. But if we don't implement them and you don't. I think Mr. Ismail mentioned it. If you don't have the tools also for our businesses to do that, then it then it's and it's in vain. That brings me to my question. Chair to the representative of Asia to questions. I was very happy to to see that you stressed the importance of, of of technology and stepping up on technologies. And we are going to negotiate the next multi financial framework, I think, in the economic security. We need to stress much more money when it comes to horizon and other initiatives in the European Parliament. So we have to connect these dots. I think now it's all on security and we need to spend more money on defence. There is an agreement on that. But in the broad sense of security and that includes horizon and that includes technology. So I think you will have huge support in this Parliament to to to do that. But if you you need to keep on, keep on. Um, saying that, my second question is to all of you, all three of you, uh, is on the export, um, the export restrictions, the white paper that you mentioned, um, don't you think that the white paper and maybe, possibly also the proposal of the commission is too much focused on dual use? And if we look to economic security, we're not just talking about dual use.”
  Defence spending
• “Indeed. Thank you very much, chair. First of all, thanks to the rapporteur for the draft report especially. And you mentioned it yourself. Mrs.. Um, the time pressure has been severe and you've put a lot of, uh, work in this report. Um, this is a very sensitive proposal for a regulation which would have required a much more thorough analysis and more time to discuss among amongst us to consult stakeholders and to fine tune our position in view of a proper negotiation with the Council. The draft report is based on an analysis that we share. We welcome the Commission proposal. Good step in the right direction to protect European steel market and to ensure an adequate level playing field. We want. I think, as many of us, WTO compliant tool, and we support the idea of strengthening the reporting provisions and the possibility for rapid reassessment of the product scope of the regulation. The rapporteur also proposes a number of amendments that will require a more careful discussion. Discussion such as enabling carry over of the unused quotas, more flexible documentation requirements for providing the country of melt and pour, and on exemptions to these regulations. So I think we need some extra discussion on that if it's okay. Chair, I want to add my my question because otherwise I have to ask for the floor. Yeah. Thank you. Thank you very much. Um, and of course I fully agree with our shadow rapporteur, but I have an extra question.”
  Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM)
• “(10:55:28 – 11:00:43): Treaty. And there's so much the commission can do, and should should do. Maybe on on the question on on the impact. So we we haven't conducted a proper impact assessment on on what the suspension would lead to because, of course, it would be a decision would have been taken on political grounds and not, I think, for economic, with an economic rationale. But if you look at, current trade flows, around 2 thirds of Israel's export to the EU take place under MFN terms, so a non preferential. So only 37% of Israeli exports come in, under the association agreement with with tariff preferences. Close to 70% of EU exports coming at 0 MFN rates into Israel. Our estimate based on current trading volumes indicate that suspending preferential access would expose EU exports to up to €574,000,000 in duties. And for the Israelis, it would be €227,000,000 in duties. So the sectors impacted would be imports from Israel include the fresh and processed fruits and vegetables, processed foodstuffs as well as rubber tires for agricultural vehicles, chemicals and plastics. For these goods, the EU accounts for approximately a third of Israel's exports, and the resulting tariff differential would range from 0% for medical devices to over 30% for foodstuffs. As regard EU exports to Israel, the vast majority, as indicated, of Israel m f, Israel's MFN tariffs are 0. So they have autonomously put them to 0 except for, vehicles, which have a tariff of 7%. Therefore, the impact would not be large, except perhaps for EU dairy exports. We noted though that for, that less than 1% of total EU dairy exports go to Israel. So that's for the for the economic. On on the labeling, fully understand the the the concerns that you raised. But just as I said, we, this is really something that market the member states are in charge of. We have received no notification from any member state that there is an issue. Of course, if there are representation to the contrary, we're always ready to listen and discuss, but we have not received any signalizations. Sorry. That was not English. But on the on the settlements, as I mentioned, there is the the the the notice. Sorry. Let's go back to settlements. We we there have been new requests that also our colleague from UES referred to. The commission, we are currently, having this discussion, internally. There is no new development, that I can can, purport here. Just maybe to say that, our members, it's entitled to take measures, that a specific import ban in principle falls within exclusive competence of, the European Union. Nevertheless, there are exceptions to it. Article 24 of the import regulation may allow member states to take certain trade restrictive measures, if they can be justified, notably under public morality or public policy. No. It's I I, of course, heard what what members of the Inter was saying, but at this stage, no no member state has formally seized the commission with a request to do so. But I would like to, nevertheless, although, of course, we don't want to establish any perils, but just to say there have been occasions where, some member states have taken measures, lately, related notably to to to Russia. So this is also not something that is, just relevant for, for this region. But as I said, at this stage, we have not been notified. We know that some are contemplating, but, again, they have not notified the commission. On the ICJ, I think we have also discussed this several times. I'd just like to recall the commission's position. Our view is that EU positions and policies are fully aligned with UN resolutions regarding the status of the occupied Palestinian territories. Therefore, EU positions are overall consistent with the conclusions of the advisory of opinion of the ICJ. As regards the duty of nonrecognition, the duty to distinguish in the dealings between Israel and its territory because essentially the sorry, Israel and its territory and OPT because we have this the fact that the association agreement does not apply to the occupied territories as well as the duty of nonassistance. I think this covers what wanted to say or had Ken say. Thank you.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Thank you very much. I'm replacing the shadow Mr. Assis, who cannot be here today. Um, the global gateway has become a strategic pillar of the EU's external action by bringing together economic interests, political goals and European values. Um, we, as we welcome this initiative as one of the important tools, um, in, in our foreign affairs, um, toolbox. It strengthens Europe's role in the world while promoting sustainable development, rule of law, democracy, human rights, gender equality and rules based multilateral order. Since its launch in 2021, more than 207 70 flagship projects have been identified and over 300 billion reported reportedly mobilized. But let's be honest, important challenges remain. There is limited transparency in project selection and financing, insufficient evidence of benefits for local economies, and a decision making that does not always reflect the priorities of our partner countries. Governance structures also remain weak and slow. For the S&D and from a trade perspective, it is of course, crucial that global gateway also open up new trade routes and deepen mutually beneficial trade and investment relations. But added value and benefits for local communities must be at the heart of this strategy. The access to critical raw materials for the green transition cannot come at the expense of partner countries or local community communities, especially the most vulnerable ones like indigenous people. The initiative also needs to be meaningful, meaningful, involve civil society and the private sector. We must work together for socially inclusive and environmentally sustainable economic growth. Moreover, global gateway infrastructure should actively support intraregional integration in strategic regions like Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia. Finally, let me underline that the S&D Group stands ready to work constructively with all the with the other political groups on an opinion from this committee that reflects a positive, a balanced and ambitious approach.”
  EU foreign policy approach
• “Yeah, thank you very much. Um, can I, can I say I completely align with our chair and the rapporteur on the full frustration, on the timing and the sidelining of the European Parliament, and both of them go hand in hand. I do not know whether you remember, chair, that before the annulment of the court we knew what was going to happen. We and many others asked several times. But please, what is your plan B? What is plan B? And you always said no, no, no, we cannot talk about plan B, we wait or wait until the court make their judgment. And I always hoped and I believed that there was a plan B, but of course you didn't want to tell us, but there was no plan B, was it? There was no plan B. You needed a year, a full year, except for a few weeks to make a full analysis of the judgment, really, and then come up in a few weeks time with a mandate and a conclusion and an agreement with the Moroccan authorities. And where was the time to involve the European Parliament, and where was the time to do what you needed to do to get the consent of the Sahrawi people? Because I do not see it over there.”
  EU competences on foreign affairs
• “I'm not. The shadow is the shadow. But I'm replacing Mr. Aziz today, so it's not that I'm not interested in the Mercosur agreement, but I'll stick to my notes. Um, so we all know, after more than 25 years, we now have the Mercosur agreement in a decisive state, um, stage, and has many agreements of all. It brings opportunities and challenges. Um, we know one of the challenges that we're not discussing today is a whole, um, sustainability, but the other is agriculture. And that is what we're discussing today. So we're not discussing the Mercosur agreement today. We discuss the proposal on the safeguards. As a group, we have consistently underlined the need to address the concerns of the most exposed group and the most impacted sectors by putting forward this proposal, which introduces automatic triggers and speed up procedures to launch an investigation. The European Commission addresses the fact that the 2019 safeguard mechanism might not be fast enough or effective enough to address possible sudden surges in imports or sharp price drops in sensitive agricultural products in the context of the Mercosur agreement. Under the 2019 safeguard regulation, the process often takes too long, is too complicated, damages the companies sectors and jobs may already have taken place so that it takes too long.”
  Trade relations with Mercosur
• “Thank you very much. Very much. President. Commissioner. Colleagues. I think everybody knows that you don't stop a bully by giving him what he wants. He will only bully you more. And Trump's tariffs are a blatant attack on multilateralism and on basic WTO principles and on the transatlantic partnership. No, we are not interested in a trade war. Trade wars only hurt people and businesses, and they push prices up and purchasing power down. So of course we are open for dialogue. But let it be clear when tariff hits us, we must take immediate. Retaliatory. Retaliatory. That's a difficult word. Action. So, Mr. Commissioner, it's important that we take countermeasures both within the WTO and with our trade defences. And let it also be crystal clear. We will not respond to blackmail, and we will not change European legislation to please the United States because because giving Trump what he wants will hurt Europe and European citizens, and it will only leave him wanting more. Thank you very much.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “Thank you very much. Chair. Mr. Rasmussen, here I am. Welcome to this as the chair sets. Very exciting, important commission. Um, having read your, um, your programme, but especially listening to you today, I can tell you that the S&D group broadly supports all your priorities, so I don't have to go into them. So let me immediately go to a few topics that that might be of interest also in our relations in the coming weeks and months to, to go. Um, first of all, um, important, but you mentioned um, so I'm quite at ease. Um, GSP regulation but also foreign investment screening regulation as important. Um, negotiating files. Second, the bilateral agenda mentioned by you mentioned by my colleague. I think when we look to the negotiations in Indonesia, but also Thailand, they are very promising for our group. It is also very important that it remains full fledged free trade agreements with a very good sustainability agenda. You mentioned as one of your priorities the green agenda. Um, we should not make a difference between, um, the green agenda domestically and on the trade part. So very important. It also goes for the Mercosur agreement that I think will become a delicate moment, both in Parliament as in Council for the S&D Group, sustainability remains important and the continuous attacks, both in council as in Parliament, for instance, the deforestation regulation.”
  Free trade agreements (FTAs)
• “This weekend. This weekend, um, and this is, this is frightening because I know some of the groups over there are arguing very much against the Green Deal. It's been all too much, but we know that they combine together. Um, we need to be independent also for our industry and for that electrification of the steel, aluminium and all the rest is necessary. And so I now have unions. Normally they, they not so interested in the Green Deal. You know, now I have you coming to my office and plea for much more support and in a wide range to make sure that we can do that, but the investment climate isn't there anymore. And the question is, what will we do now because it's now happening. And next to that question very much related to it. But this is of course the trade committee. But you are doing industry and they are faced today with the 50% tariffs. And, and and we can all say we have until the 9th of July. But I plea maybe you cannot tell us today, but I plea that the Commission is ready to to to respond. If there is no is there is no agreement also for the steel. Aluminium. Industry. Last question I know is you talked about buying European. I know it's a very French thing to do, but I see no, no, not not alone. But it started with the French, you know, like ten years ago they started discussing buy European. Um, but the thing is, what does it really mean? Um, on the one hand, public procurement, but also everything that relates and is also a rising support for that is on local content requirements. Please be really very concrete on what we can do on that. Thank you.”
  "Buy European" provisions
• “There's a lot of things that you can do. You cannot maybe suspend in full because there's no unanimity, but you can come up with suspensions or suspensions on the cultural agreement, for instance, or the cultural the cultural relations, but also on horizon and also on other issues. So the question is why is the commission not coming up with any of these proposals? Um, in at the backdrop of, um, uh, of what's happening? Again, I don't have to explain, um, the genocides that is happening in Gaza and the complete lack of response of the European of the European Commission. Um, but we can disagree. But there is there is, um, by now in the council, um, by the Commission, there is a report that there is a breach on the article. And I think it's important that we, um, that we that we act upon if we you you said I was listening very carefully on, on on Mercosur, um, as always, because it's a very important agreement. And you advocated very clearly how important it is that we have rules. And that we abide by these rules and that if necessary, we make reports on these rules and then we come up with proposals how to deal with them. If we make rules and we keep these up in standards, for instance, when it comes to Ukraine and we have sanctions in place by now because there's a clear breach of the rules, whether it's international rules or the rules that we implement ourselves with regard to trade agreements. But we don't do that in other cases. Then the European Union as a whole and the European Commission is making itself irrelevant, both in trade as an international role. Thank you.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “When you saw the press releases of China and the press release of the European Commission after the meeting, they were quite completely different. Um, we were looking at real things that have been discussed and issues and they said, yeah, let's keep in touch more or less. So I see a lot of divergence. And I also see that Zivkovic mentioned the things that were important, but we didn't get straight answers. Um, so let's see. I have a few questions. Um, I already mentioned the strategic dilemma of how to deal with China in these very difficult times. My second question is, on the other reaction that China gave, um, to immediately go and sit together with Japan and South Korea in a, some sort of new alliance. Um, how do you assess that? How does the commission, um, look at that issue? And my last question, as often when we talk, China is Taiwan. Um, okay. To go to China, okay. To start talking, but let's not lose sight of our true friends over there. And what are the next steps that the Commission will take when it comes to Taiwan?”
  Relations with Taiwan
• “It will not get us where we need to be. So that's my main question. Um, Mr. Shia, um, well, thank you. And it wasn't very, um, optimistic. What you you told us. Of course we know. We we passed so many, um, resolutions in the parliament. You mentioned a lot of them, um, about both the, the, the working conditions of migrants, which is really concerning as the overall, um, human rights, um, situation. And thank you also for mentioning, um, the fact that also in Europe, we have a lot of issues and we have to connect them. It's not up to us to tell the rest of the world if we do not protect human rights, um, within within the European Union. My main question is you mentioned a lot of issues, um, and facts. Um, but did the situation actually worsened the last couple of years, um, or did it, did it improve because Mr. Shapiro said something optimistic, she said. She said, because there are negotiations with the UAE on the trade that we use, the leverage on working conditions. They now start working on labor conditions again after 24 years, not ratifying any of them. So do you see improvement and do you see that we from the trade perspective can make a change there?”
  EU policy on labour exploitation in global supply chains
• “It doesn't help to create majority majorities both in Council as in Parliament. So I think we need to know what we stand for. We want more free trade agreements. We also need our tools. And one of the tools is the deforestation regulation. So we need both of them. And finally, one of the topics that you raised and also other colleagues that are very important is the rule based WTO, the trade rules, but also humanitarian and international rules. And that brings me to my final point. That is much on our agenda as well. That is our trade relations with Israel. As you know, the EU, Israel Association Agreement by now, there is proof also by the Commission that there is a breach of humanitarian law. I don't think we need that proof. If you just look what's happening over there. So we ask your support to find an agreement in the council and if needed, with Qmv to suspend the Foreign Affairs and the Association Agreement and if necessary, only the trade part. I think it's very important that we show the rest of the world that we are consistent when it comes to international rule, both in trade as on humanitarian rule.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Thank you very much, Sabine, for being here. I think that's courageous. Um, I'm I'm talking today on behalf of the group, and you can take that literally, because the last two days we have been intensively discussing within the S&D this deal. Um, and there was a wide consensus that we think this is not a good deal. Um, and in the running up of this deal, we've said there are three important things that we. Yes, do go and negotiate. You have our support. And of course, we need a compromise. Um, we are a party that knows what a compromise is, but we need WTO compatibility and respect for international trade law. We absolutely need to not to touch, but not not to touch on our legislation from cbam till the digital. And we don't have any guarantee over there. Just look at what happened a few days ago. Dear colleagues on the Google issue, it doesn't give us any trust. It's not only about the legislation itself, it's about the implementation and the enforcement of of the legislation. And thirdly, it needs to be a fair deal. Okay, a compromise, but it should not harm our economy. And it does. And I think there um, our, our, our chair, but also our rapporteur and also from the S&D group made that crystal clear.”
  Free trade agreements (FTAs)
• “President, ladies and gentlemen. At least a thousand. That's the number of victims in Gaza since the 26th of June. The last time the commission discussed this conflict. So thousands of lives, many of them women and children. Thousands and thousands of lives which are still in the balance because of famine, because the Netanyahu regime is organizing and orchestrating that famine. And there's a report being drawn up that's too late for us to bring pressure to bear to stop the Association agreement. And nothing came of this. So a letter from the heads of state government to ask them to allow humanitarian aid. And one day later, Netanyahu stopped the admission of aid in North Gaza. The lack of power from Europe is shameful. It's defensible. How long is this going to go on? Another thousand deaths, maybe 2000.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Thank you. Thank you very much. And happy to see you. I know you must be extremely busy. And let me start by by a very positive note. If I listen to you carefully and everything that's in the pipeline, everything that has been done and everything that's in the pipeline both on economic security, we start to work in the parliament as of yesterday, with the report of the of the of the rapporteur but also mainly, of course, the advancements in the FTA. Let me mention India, you know, you know, India. It's it's not if you look to the trade agreement with India, it's not a top notch top notch Indonesia is, but but but it's an opportunity. And, you see, we need to grasp that. And I think you will find a lot of support in, in my political group there to advance. And I hope you come quickly with these agreements because we are eager to work on them. And I know you will agree, and it's not easy to to get your administration maybe fast enough, but it's extremely important if we have an agreement that it comes fast to the Parliament, then we shouldn't do what we have done with Mercosur. But let's, let's, let's not go there. But I do have to switch to the United States, of course.”
  Free trade agreements (FTAs)
• “Thank you very much. And thanks so much for being here and being so open in your answers. Um, having said that, I do understand it's too early for a straight answer on the architecture, but please, Maros, it is extremely important that we have clarity very soon because it is a different way of dealing with the file depending on the decision of the of the commission. So you said a couple of months. That's, that's a lot because we start the scrutiny as we speak of today. And I think it is important. My second point is, is about sustainability. You answered and I agree. There's a lot of improvement when it comes to the Paris Agreement, but it's all about the glass being half full or half empty. You know, the S&D group always stresses very much also on the sanction based issues. And there we didn't improve to the fullest. And second, what you said about the rebalancing mechanism, there's still a lot of unclarity. So I think you will need to provide us with a lot of information. You clearly and that is some reassurance. But I heard other things from the Mercosur side. You clearly said that, for instance, the UDR is part of the acquis and is not under the rebalancing. So I heard that very clearly because I do hear other sounds from the other part. Thank you very much, chair.”
  Trade relations with Mercosur
• “Mr. president, dear colleagues, China's dominance in rare earth elements combined with unjustified export control puts, or is better said, disruptive for both the green and digital transition. As for our European industry, and the recent temporary pause might be reassuring, but it is not enough because many other key control measures continue to stay in place. And it also makes one thing crystal clear China and the US both are making decisions that shapes our economy, and we are standing on the sidelines and have little impact on what is happening next. So, dear colleagues, despite new initiatives and new Minister, you mentioned it, the Critical Raw Materials Act. But despite that, since then our dependencies on China on China has grown. It hasn't decreased. So it says we need to step up our efforts. So it is high time that we take back control on our own economic security by quickly diversifying our supply critical raw materials, by scaling up our recycling, and by investing in sustainable processes within the EU. Dear colleagues, no man is an island. Or better said, no woman is an island. Today, we must increasingly work together with trusted partners to push back against unfair trading practices, and we should not hesitate to go to the WTO or to use the anti coercion instrument. But colleagues, and maybe that is the essence to be heard by China and the US. Europe must stay united only when we act together we can protect our economy and our future. Thank you.”
  Trade relations with China
• “Thank you very much, dear Commissioner. Colleagues. The US wants the greatest defender of liberal democracy is rapidly becoming an authoritarian regime. And this is a huge challenge, but also an opportunity for the European Union. It is time to show our strength. And that is why we should support the WTO and intensify our contacts and trade with like minded countries like UK, Canada and look for new sustainable partnerships in Asia and Latin America. And of course, we need to negotiate, but not at all costs. Cost. Dear Commissioner, can you guarantee that our legislation is not up for discussion with the US? And why are the tariffs on US services still not yet on the table? I think we need answers to that. And above all, dear colleagues, the Trump show should not distract us from doing what is needed for Europe that needs providing support for workers implementing the Green Deal and to invest in our strategic economy. Because the world, dear colleagues, need urgently a united and independent Europe to lead the way. Thank you.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “Colleagues, let me thank Mr. Wallborn for his short history lesson. But of course, we agree very much with the fact that the geopolitics has changed dramatically the last 5 to 10 years. And the Mercosur agreement is, in that light, important for the S&D. It is important also that the next coming months, we will fully scrutinise this deal up until the very detail. We need to make sure that this deal works not just for our economy, but for the environment and for the workers on both sides of. Of of of of of the world. And we hear the sincere concerns. Mr.. Commissioners from the unions, from the environmental NGOs and from the farmers. It is important, as you mentioned, that the Paris Agreement is now an essential element. Elements. But many questions. Commissioner on deforestation remain and we need answers. On these, let it be clear this Mercosur agreement cannot water down the EU regulation. So we need answers. The Sad will be a fair partner in this process. But we need. Answers to make sure that the impact of the agreement on climate workers rights and. European farmers is clear. Thank you very much.”
  Trade relations with Mercosur
• “Thank you very much. And thank you to the to the speakers for their interesting information. As a general remark, um, and it, it it goes further on the, the remarks of the, of the rapporteur. Um, I have to say we have often a very good intentions as a European Union, a European Commission supported by Parliament and even by the Council. Let's think about the Critical Raw Materials Act. Um, it was very well. It was full of good intentions and a lot of initiatives under the Critical Raw Materials Act. And when we were negotiating last week on a resolution in Parliament on the export restrictions of China in the running up of the of the, of the of the the meeting with the parliament, the meeting with the European and China. Um, we discovered that the last couple of years our um our dependency in Europe with regard to critical raw materials in China increased the last couple of years instead of, well, maybe stabilised or decreased. Um, why do I say that? It's not just good enough to have nice acts and nice white papers. Um, if, um, uh, not, our member states are following up on them. It's a more of a general market. It doesn't. Doesn't? To our panelists, it's not your concern. But I also see Mr. Red sitting over there. And I think he agrees with the fact that we need to implement them.”
  Trade relations with China
• “Thank you, Madam President. Dear colleagues. A devastating conflict in the Middle East. They're also dragging the rest of the world in chaos. And as always, ordinary people, whether it's in Europe, in the rest of the world, in the region, are paying a very high price and Europe is standing by and watching it happen. And the reason is a very inconvenient truth. It is because we apply double standards in our foreign policy. When Russia violates international law, we act. And rightly so. We impose sanctions, stand united, take clear positions. But when others do the same, our responses become very cautious. We go silent. And that also is also the case for trade. Access to our market comes with a commitment to our shared values. When violation happens constantly in Gaza, in the West Bank and now also Lebanon, we must act. The EU Israel Association agreement must be suspended. Please. We have to act now.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “But. And then I look at the Gulf because we will have um, we will I, I, I, I know well, you know, what I want to say. Um, um, our relations with them. Uh, but how how do you think, um, how the Gulf should look at future climate ambitions? I quickly go chair to Mrs. Shapiro. Um. Uh, I think, but we know that you've been very vocal on the fact that, of course, they have ratified a lot, but not all of the core conventions. But the problem is in in the fact that there is, um, well, there is no, no decent, um, way of dealing with them in the floor and that the migrant workers are the main issue there. Um, and I know that the ILO and the CCG launched 2025, 2029, um, plan to tackle labour issues. Is there a way of really getting a focus on migrant workers over there? And I want you to comment, especially on the situation in the UAE since we are conducting intense negotiations there. Um, the UAE hasn't ratified 66 ILO conventions. Um, what would be your advice towards the European Parliament in the committee who deals with the negotiations and the Commission how to deal with. Um, well, the fact that there is a huge problem with labour rights in the UAE. Thank you very much.”
  EU relations with United Arab Emirates
• “Thank you. Thank you very much, chair. And thanks to the three panelists who gave, I think, a full picture, except for the question of the colleague. There's also, especially in Serbia, also a lot of misinformation and propaganda coming from the, the, the governing party itself. But it was, I think, um, a good overview. I have two main questions. Um, the first is since we are writing a report that will work on the Democracy Shield and the enforcement of democracy also in the enlargement countries. Um, it's also important for us to know the mistakes that Europe has made in all of this process. And nobody mentioned that. Um, and I think we did make a lot of mistakes or we, we, we we, we decided not to act on everything that was happening over there that we know already for years. Um, so I would like to, to hear the panelists on that, that if they look to we have a lot of means we have our own set of, uh, regulations and laws. There's a lot of funds going into these countries coming from Europe. How did we use them to enforce all the democratic institutions, including fair and free press? That would be my first question related to that.”
  EU enlargement
• “Thank you very much, Mr. President. Commissioner, dear colleagues, our group has made it crystal clear from the start. Turnberry is a bad deal and it will not be just rubber stamped by us. It does not bring stability. It does not protect us from tariffs, threats and coercion. And do I have to remind ourselves just only this year and would only march? The US threatened to invade Greenland, coerced Spain, breached once again the deal with new tariffs and just this week threatened to raise energy prices for Europe in the wake of an illegal war that they started and which already spiked prices globally. In full affair, we say in French. Their strategy is crystal clear. They want to pressure all EU institutions. Also the European Parliament to roll over and just pass the deal. And let's not be naive. More Trump coercion and chaos will come. And that is exactly why we say today. No free pass, no blank check. We do not approve the deal today. We vote for a strong parliament's position, which has been clearly outlined by our rapporteur with clear guarantees. We will only act once the US honours its commitments, including bringing the tariffs on steel down, that Europe can respond when these commitments are broken and that our industry is protected against new chaos. And that is why we today support this mandate, because it draws clear conditions and gives Europe the tools to to suspend, to react and to protect itself. But let there be no misunderstanding. And I approach our commission. There will be no final approval by our group. If these conditions are not fully met. To conclude, we will not be intimidated. We will not be bullied into a bad deal. And today, we show our citizens that this European Parliament stands up for their interests and for our Europe. And I urge the Council and Commission to finally show some courage and do the same. Thank you.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “There's also and that's mainly the case in Serbia, but maybe also in other in other enlarging countries. In in Western Balkans, there's a decline of the support for the enlargement process. And of course, the main factor will be the disinformation coming both from outside but also from, from, from the regime itself. But the mere fact that the European Union has always appeased, for instance, the Vucic government is part of the problem. How do you think people can trust the European Union if you if we always say, yeah, we're here for democracy and for that we have all these democratic institutions, but you do not uphold that looking at these countries. My last question is on the US hasn't been mentioned once. Um, and maybe rightly so, but it's a question that I have, since we do know that since the Trump administration, there is a government in the United States that does not support both openly, but also under the waterfront, the enlargement process. Do the panelists see any evidence of the US also trying to engage, um, in, in these countries to undermine the enlargement process? Thank you.”
  EU enlargement
• “We therefore consider the commission proposal as a positive step forward. It might provide an important additional guarantee for the agricultural sector, and respond to some of the legitimate concerns expressed by the sector itself and by some of the member states. However, and I've listened carefully to the plea of the rapporteur, the S&D Group believes that there is room for a greater ambition. We should look at the investigations, timelines and how to further reduce them, enabling faster conclusions and earlier actions to protect the agricultural sector. So we think, Mr. Rapporteur, that there is room for amendments in that area. Sticking to the proposal and not going on other issues, but that there is room to do. So, um, I think we are the Parliament. We have the right to regulate and to to legislate and we and then we will see how the Council looks at it. I think that is the role that we have to play. But the S&D, sad. As always, Mr. Rapporteur is ready to work together with the other political groups to reach a good compromise. Thank you.”
  EU policy on pesticides
• “President. Commissioner, colleagues. Enough is enough. We cannot allow Trump to threaten our safety, our security, our prosperity, and our sovereignty. This is the moment for us in Parliament to draw a line and we know what to do. We already said that, and it is not all nice to hear, but we want to put the Eu-us deal in the freezer. We want to activate the anti-corruption instrument. We want to build on security. What we truly need is a strong, a sovereign and a united Europe for the people. And that, dear colleagues, that means that we need partners, not fewer, but more partners in the rest of the world. And that is precisely what my group wants. And that is why we are in favour of cooperation with the Mercosur countries, because these partnerships, they make us stronger. Does that mean that this agreement is a perfect agreement? No, colleagues, that is not the case. That is exactly the reason why we advocate to start the democratic process in this Parliament. That is what we are chosen to do. Let us have a discussion in the agri committee, in the committee, in the environment Committee, and have a decent good report on what we expect from the Commission to make sure that this deal can work for our citizens, our industry, and, yes, for our agriculture. Doesn't mean that we have to stall this process by asking the opinion of the court or a motion of censure. Can you imagine at the moment that the world is in this severe situation? You want to tear down the commission because that's what it's all about. The far right wants to divide and isolate Europe, make it vulnerable from the inside and weaken from within. That is not our Europe. Well, colleagues, not with us. That is why we will vote against this motion of censure. And because now it is time to show what Europe truly stands for, united together within our union and with other partners around the world. And that means also with the Mercosur countries. Thank you very much.”
  EU-US relations
• “And still you have young people that are ready and, um, and strong enough to come to Brussels to ask our support in their struggle to get democracy back. I think that is very important that we take that dimension on board. Second issue is transparency. Um, again, it's in the report, um, transparency on campaigns, political parties. But I think, um, if we want to build on the trust that people put in the European institutions, also European institutions itself need to be much more transparent as we are today, not talking about our own institution alone, but also on the Commission and the Council that often are black boxes. And in being a black box is difficult, um, to take on board. And last but not least, but it has been mentioned. But of course, it's so key that it's the young generation and how to protect the young generation. Um, they, they live today in a completely different world than in which we were able to start our political career or other careers. Um, again, these Serbian youngsters, they came to ask our support. But it's also that the students in our member states, um, looking at us to find new solutions. So I think important, and I'm really looking forward to the rest of the the work in this, in this important committee. And thank you to the rapporteur.”
  Transparency requirements of EU institutions
• “(10:28:21 – 10:30:41): Well, I'm going to go straight to the point here. Commission representatives, what more do you need to suspend the association agreement between Israel and the EU? 1,100,000 people have asked for this and signed our European citizens initiative. The experts from the UN are asking this. 3,100 staffers of the EU, including the former high representative, Josep Borrell. We are seeing daily bombing of Lebanon despite the ceasefire. We have around 1,000,000 people displaced, a huge amount of people killed in the Gaza Strip, obstruction for humanitarian aid. Journalists still cannot enter, new illegal attack against the Gaza flotilla. And we just see a pursuit of apartheid in the West Bank. If all of that is not enough to suspend the association agreement, this makes the EU the number 1 trading partnership with Israel. So what is it that you need? Do you need the extermination of an entire people? And the EU continues to say, well, we are still happily buying products that come from a genocidal government. Even the EU Commission's services have accepted that article 2 has been violated, the respect of human rights, which is linked to this association agreement. And through this agreement, the EU is financing and legitimizing these crimes of Benjamin Netanyahu. So my question is very simple to you. The Israeli state seems to have all of the rights in the eyes of the EU. How can you explain when it comes to sanctions against Russia, you were able to move past blockages in council, but here, you are hiding behind the block in the council. Where is the European council's commission's proposal? Europeans do not want to be complicit in this horror, so you need to properly represent them. Thank you.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine