Catarina VIEIRA

Policy topics Catarina VIEIRA is active on

What Catarina VIEIRA has said (49)

• 2026-06-15 “Tomorrow, we vote on a deeply unequal deal. A deal to prevent the worst even though the worst was deemed illegal by the US Supreme Court. A deal so we know what to expect even though since it has been struck, The US has already increased its tariffs on steel and aluminum and today threatened France with more. A deal to get certainty and predictability from the same US administration that has threatened to invade Greenland, abducted a head of state, and brought the world economy to its knees by starting a war with Iran from an administration that is violating human rights at home and abroad and sanctioning the international courts. The US trade policy isn't about stability. It's about deregulation. It's about more real estate deals for the Trump family, and it's about lining the pockets of billionaires. They use trade as blackmail to get what they want around the world. This parliament has fought hard to improve the deal, and they secured many improvements. But no amount of safeguards will change the fact that Europe should not let itself be blackmailed by a dangerous autocrat.”
  EU-US trade relations
• 2026-06-15 “Colleague, you talk about certainty and predictability with the US administration of Donald Trump. You think you can write on a deal what was going to happen, what will happen, and that he will follow by the rules because he follows by the rules. What kind of certainty and predictability are you giving businesses if today he threatened France with more taxes, with more tariffs on wine if they don't scrap their digital service tax? What certainty and predictability is my question to you?”
  EU-US trade relations
• 2025-10-15 “E-004061/2025 Answer given by Mr McGrath on behalf of the European Commission Under the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD), the Commission is required to issue implementing guidelines in consultation with Member States, stakeholders, and specific institutions, as outlined in Article 19(1). This stakeholder consultation is a legal requirement under the Directive, and the Commission is committed to fulfilling this obligation. There has been a considerable level of interest from stakeholders in the upcoming guidelines. This interest comes from various groups, including businesses and rights-holders (impacted individuals and communities) and their representatives. To effectively inform the preparation of guidelines, the Commission acknowledges the necessity for outreach to the widest possible range of stakeholders. It has not been possible to consult on the future guidelines during the ongoing legislative negotiations on the Omnibus proposal, given that these negotiations may result in changes to the CSDDD that impact the content and timeline of the guidelines. However, the Commission is taking all possible preparatory steps to ensure an efficient and timely process for the consultation and adoption of the future guidelines once the legislative negotiations are concluded. In doing so, we are cooperating with partners such as the EU Fundamental Rights Agency and the Responsible Contracting Project, and we look forward to engaging with Member States and the other stakeholders on the future guidelines as soon as possible.”
  Due diligence in supply chains (environmental and human rights) · Sustainable corporate governance · EU engagement with civil society
• 2025-07-17 “P-002951/2025 Answer given by Mr Šefčovič on behalf of the European Commission The voting requirements in the Council of the European Union for taking appropriate measures under Article 79 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement 1 are determined by the relevant legal basis, which depends on the substance of the intended appropriate measures. A decision of the Council based on Article 218(9) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) on the partial suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement could have Article 207 TFEU as a substantive legal basis, provided the intended suspension is limited to matters fully covered by the common commercial policy, as set out in Article 207(1) TFEU. In accordance with Article 79(2) of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, a Party may apply an appropriate measure without prior involvement of the Association Council in case of special urgency. 1 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/resource.html?uri=cellar:411c0668-144d-44a1-a5e3dd2342f7a5b5.0017.02/DOC_1&format=PDF.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• 2025-06-25 “E-002569/2025 Answer given by High Representative/Vice-President Kallas on behalf of the European Commission Regarding questions 2 and 3, the Commission refers the Honourable Member to its reply to question E-000233/2024 1 , which explains the difference between the EU-Indonesia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) and the Human Rights Dialogue. The former focuses on trade and investment, while the latter addresses human rights. The EU is looking forward to the next edition of the Human Rights Dialogue during which any relevant issue, both in the EU and Indonesia, could be raised and discussed. The EU’s objective is to ensure a constructive two-way discussion, in the spirit of trust and mutual understanding, in order to jointly advance the respect and promotion of human rights. 1 https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/-ASW_EN.html.”
  Free trade agreements (FTAs) · EU competences on human rights
• 2024-12-11 “P-002876/2024 Answer given by High Representative/Vice-President Kallas on behalf of the European Commission The EU has repeatedly voiced its concerns regarding the intensification of repression against civil society, political opponents, and independent media in Azerbaijan. In this context, the EU continues to raise the case of Dr Ibadoghlu, both in direct contacts with the authorities and in public statements, urging the authorities to lift his travel ban in order for him to obtain the urgent medical attention he requires abroad 1 . Moreover, the EU Delegation in Azerbaijan and the EU Special Representative for Human Rights have repeatedly raised his case with the Azerbaijani authorities. The EU Delegation is also in direct contact with Dr Ibadoghlu and his lawyers, and regularly attends the court hearings in his case. Moreover, on the occasion of his official visit to Azerbaijan in October 2024, the Commissioner for Climate Action met Dr Ibadoghlu. The EU Delegation also facilitated the organisation of a meeting between Dr Ibadoghlu and the European Parliament Delegation, which visited Baku in November 2024 during the United Nations Climate Change Conference ‘COP29’. The EU’s relation with Azerbaijan is based on a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement that entered into effect in 1999 2 . The EU engagement with Azerbaijan remains instrumental in order to address human rights issues and to promote peace, stability and prosperity in the South Caucasus through regional cooperation, including in the context of the normalisation process between Azerbaijan and Armenia. 1 https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/azerbaijan-statement-spokesperson-human-rights-situation_en; https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/CRE-10-2024-10-22-ITM-020_EN.html; https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/CRE-10-2024-12-18-ITM-019-03_EN.html 2 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/agree_internation/1999/614/oj/eng”
  EU-Azerbaijan relations
• 2024-10-08 “E-001984/2024 Answer given by High Representative/Vice-President Borrell i Fontelles on behalf of the European Commission Human rights continue to be at the centre of EU engagement with Cambodia. The decision to partially withdraw 1 the Everything But Arms (EBA) trade preferences is a clear example of the EU commitment to the human rights agenda. The EU is regularly monitoring developments in relation to the concerns raised in the withdrawal regulation. On 21 November 2023, the Commission published the Report on EU Enhanced Engagement with Cambodia 2 , which contains an assessment of the developments in Cambodia in the areas of concern. The EU is closely following the situation of the Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights (CENTRAL) and other cases of intimidation of civil society organisations. The Delegation staff has met with CENTRAL several times in the last few months. The EU Head of Delegation in Cambodia has been consistently raising these issues with his counterparts in the Cambodian administration, including this specific case. The question of shrinking civil space also featured on the agenda of discussions which took place in the context of the 12 th EU-Cambodia Joint Committee held in Brussels on 25 April 2024. A substantial discussion covered inter-alia civil and political, labour and women’s rights. Moreover, in line with the Council conclusions on the priorities of the EU in United Nations Human Rights fora in 2024, and its policy to denounce human rights violations and abuses whenever they occurred, the EU has continued to engage with the United Nations, including during 57 th Human Rights Council session in Geneva. On that occasion, the EU publicly reiterated its concern about harassment of non-governmental organisations and labour rights groups 3 . 1 Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) 2020/550 of 12 February 2020, OJ L127 of 24.4.2020, p 1. 2 https://ec.europa.eu/transparency/documents-register/detail?ref=SWD(2023)360&lang=en 3 https://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/un-geneva/hrc57-interactive-dialogue-special-rapporteurcambodia_en?s=62”
  EU-Cambodia relations
• “Thank you. Chair. Um, myself and many colleagues in this European Parliament have used our situation as members of the parliament to uphold and promote human rights internationally. And in doing so, we've been critical of many, many, many governments from Azerbaijan to the Philippines and Nigeria and Cambodia and Guinea-Bissau and Pakistan and Indonesia and Israel and Tanzania and Haiti and Thailand and Colombia. And I would be here all afternoon if I kept naming them all. So why would we ever choose to be silent about United States of America just because they're a partner of ours? That would have been hypocritical. Why would I have ever chosen to be silent about the inhumane detention conditions, the deportations without due process, the detention of children as young as five years old like Liam Ramos, and about the crackdown on protesters, including mass arrests and the use of force against demonstrators that were just exercising their power, their right to peaceful assembly. What would have kept me from speaking out the names of Renee Good and Alex Peretti? Shot and killed by Ice agents during protests. And while we're at it, the names of Luis Casares, Gerardo Campos, Victor Diaz and many others who have died in detention in Ice facilities. The criminalization and dehumanization of both migrants and protesters in the United States is absolutely horrifying, and I'm very glad that this European Parliament is taking a stance on it today and holding this meeting.”
  EU-US relations
• “By thanking all three of our guests who spoke to us today about something incredibly important, the work of journalists, which, um, I do feel like itself, the danger there into the horrible situations they're going through goes unreported and has been, to a certain extent, normalized. And there are so many different attacks on journalists. As Martha was saying, when it comes to disinformation, when it comes to big powers, but there's also the the risk to their lives day in and day out. And it is completely mind boggling what's happening right now. And the figures that we heard about targeted attacks from the Israeli government on journalists. Um, I also to say that once this happens, it's not just journalists who are in danger, it's all of us because we depend on the information that they provide to shape our societies, to make our decisions and so on, so on. Um, I have a question. First of all, to Mr. Dillon, um, you report that you were injured in your role as journalist once by Russia and later by Israel. And I'm wondering, how did the reactions differ in the response that you got from states, from the international community, from media? How do you view even the European Union's or other states, countries around the world? Because I do feel like there are very differing standards between how we respond to Russia as an aggressor towards journalists and to Israel as an aggressor.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Colleagues, it's clear that for doing their job upholding international law and investigating genocide claims. The International Criminal Court judges and the UN special rapporteurs are being treated like terrorists with sanctions from the from the US administration. We've raised it in letters, we've raised it in committee meetings, we're raising here in plenary. But even after this meeting, I continue to have two questions what and where? First of all, what what is keeping the commission from finally taking action and activating the blocking statute to protect these EU citizens? And by the way, where where are our EPP colleagues? The largest group in this European Parliament, 188 members who promised to uphold international law and one of them shows up? I think we should think about that. Thank you.”
  Support for International Criminal Court
• “Dear colleagues. Commissioner, more than two years after the coup, Niger's democratically elected president Mohamed Bazoum remains under house arrest. Without charge, without trial. This is unacceptable. I call for his immediate and unconditional release, not only for him, but for all those arbitrarily detained. Like, for example, human rights defender Moussa Shagari, who is detained solely for reporting critically on the authorities because the junta has targeted political opponents, civil society and the media. This crackdown on dissent reflects a broader pattern across the Sahel. Democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space and a sharp decline in press freedom. We should worry about this trend and do our best to reverse it. At the same time, Niger faces a severe humanitarian crisis. Insecurity, economy and climate change have left around 3 million people in need for assistance there. The EU must continue its efforts to ensure humanitarian aid reaches those who need it the most. Today, this parliament calls for the restoration of constitutional order and the full respect of fundamental rights for everyone in Niger. Thank you very much.”
  EU policy on Sahel and Sudan
• “We have compared the EU submission to the WTO on the future of the WTO, when it was sent by the Commission in February 2023 and the submission of 21st of January 26. And it seems like we have reason to worry about some sort of downgrading of the importance of the linkages between trade policy and the environmental and climate action. Doing a word search we could only find in the latest EU submission, one mention to climate as a footnote. And there it is presented as a problem of climate related measures with trade implications, rather than presenting it as an opportunity to align WTO rules to tackle the climate crisis and better protect the environment. So my specific question to the commission is, did I maybe miss something? And if not, could you clarify why key actions related to climate and environment which were proposed in 2023 are now not present in the proposals sent by the EU mission to Geneva last week. Thank you.”
  Climate efforts
• “On Sunday I returned from Palestine. And let me start by telling you what I did not see. I did not see Gaza children exposed to the cold in tents under a storm. The continued lack of humanitarian aid, or Palestinians mourning the loved ones that were killed even after the cease fire. But what I did see was the West Bank, a relentless system of illegal settlements carving up Palestinian land, demolished homes, unchecked settler violence, a maze of 900 checkpoints and barriers whose arbitrary rules dictate daily life. Roads that cut across the West Bank, but only for Israeli drivers. I saw a system of oppression that ticks all the boxes of apartheid. But I also saw hope. Unrwa's staff that kept schools running, human rights defenders working despite being sanctioned, and the young Palestinian woman who told me that she will continue to dare to imagine a better future. Colleagues. The EU has tools to uphold human rights and international law. The Association agreement with Israel, our trade policy regarding settlements, the blocking statute to protect the ICC and sections sanctions for the worst perpetrators. These tools are gathering dust as we speak. It is about time we use them.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Dear chair. Dear Commissioner. Time flies when you're having fun. And with Mercosur. We've been negotiating for 25 years, but here in the European Parliament we were a bit late to the party, as we only had the access to the final text after a political deal was announced in September. In December. Pardon? This agreement raises a lot of questions. How exactly will we ensure that it will not drive deforestation in the Amazon, or that the rights of local and indigenous communities will be respected? Or why do we have a deal on the table that increases imports of poultry and beef without presenting conditions on animal welfare? And what about the rebalancing mechanism? Can it be used to challenge the European deforestation regulation? And if so, what would that mean for future trade deals with other partners or future environmental rules that we want to set? Let me be clear with Trump's trade policies. Europe needs to diversify its trade partners, but this cannot be done at any cost. We need a strategic agreement that works for both the planet and the people here and in the Mercosur countries, and the jury is very much still out on whether this deal can deliver that. Thank you.”
  Trade relations with Mercosur
• “Maybe the panelists could comment on this proposal. And last but not least, I would like to speak about conditionality and readmission. Article 12 introduces strict conditionality on readmission and return cooperation. This is a big shift from how we used to do things, and I think it's very important for us to remember when we talk about sending migrants back and putting things on hold, whether that is accepted or not, that is punishing an entire population rather than the government in charge of these decisions. And this can be absolutely brutal. We have very little way to control this. So how can we justify using it in development and external action? What will be decided to count as a serious shortcoming? How will we ensure fairness and transparency? And how can we prevent this mechanism from contributing to a coercive approach that prioritizes migration control over human rights, development objectives and the trust between partners. I have to excuse myself because I need to be in another meeting, but my team will be taking notes, and I appreciate your time. Thanks.”
  EU development aid (migration conditionality)
• “And yesterday, the Foreign Affairs Council read that report and seems to have given it a very comfortable spot on the drawer of things that the EU will not look at. Some of my colleagues will excuse the foreign ministers and say that this is not the time to criticize Israel. Look at what's happening with Iran. But let us please not fall for the distraction maneuvers. And Mr. Netanyahu, because to my colleagues and to the foreign ministers, I ask, if not now, then when? Aren't 60,000 people dead enough to act? Isn't a detailed report from your diplomatic service including breaches of the Association Agreement enough to act? Isn't the fact that we might be even amounting to a breach of the UN Genocide Convention enough to act? And how do we plan to, in the future, uphold international law in the global stage. If we do nothing to respect it in our own foreign affairs. So back to trade. What we do really matters. Our association agreements or trade deals, they really matter. We are Israel's largest trading partner and we have a lot of leverage. So it's about time to suspend the Association agreement. Halt the free trade area. But even more importantly, and urgently stop all trade of goods and services linked to the illegal settlements. We have not only a moral obligation to act now, but also a legal obligation.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “And finally, a moment also to, um, reflect a little bit on the U.S, uh, tools and what we are currently doing or have stopped doing or have regressed on, particularly when it comes to human rights due diligence with the recent omnibus package and the importance to have, uh, rules in place that guarantee that human rights are not violated through our supply chains by European companies and those acting on their behalf, um, in Latin America or everywhere else. So it's not only about, uh, global Gateway. It's not only about our trade agreements and the clauses there, which are also very important, but it's also about these instruments, which I fear are now taking the wrong turn. So many thanks to our panelists for bringing us this important discussion, and my apologies that I have to leave for another meeting.”
  Due diligence in supply chains (environmental and human rights)
• “Thank you very much, chair. I'd like to start by thanking the speakers who addressed us today, and particularly to Judge Hala for her personal testimony. It couldn't be more clear from your words how heavily this weighs on your life and your personal life, and that of your colleagues, and how huge the impact is. But it's also very clear from what you say, that this is much bigger than personal and individual consequences. This is jeopardizing the functioning and the independence of an entire multilateral system, and something that we, as the European Union have been standing for for decades. Any extraterritorial measures that affect officials risk undermining international law, human rights protection and accountability mechanisms, things that were very hard to build and to which we're not powerless. We can do something, we can act. And yet it seems that we are stuck in a loop of asking for it and asking it and not receiving it, and also not receiving clear answers. Because let's be honest, it's not clear to me why this has not been activated yet. And it's not clear to me why. After numerous resolutions, numerous letters, and a hearing of two committees, we still cannot get. And I apologize to Mr. Sessler because he he's doing his job, but we cannot get the commission to come here seriously and tell us what is the political reason behind this lack of action. We have a responsibility to protect our nationals and the institutions that we host, and we have the blocking statute, and it's about time that we enforce it. Um, to Mr. Sessler, I do like to ask you, from your perspective, as far as you can say, why has this not taken place? And I would like to echo the remarks of my colleague who said we really would have appreciated the presence of the commissioner in this important meeting, and we hope to see him in Strasbourg, to take this conversation to the next level. Or perhaps that won't be necessary, because by then we will find seen the action that needed to take place a long time ago. Thank you.”
  Foreign interference in Europe
• “Thank you very much. Chair. Um, the ini and the upcoming revision comes as a great opportunity to ensure that public procurement, which is funded by the EU taxpayers, is able to meet the strategic objectives of the European Union, particularly on matters like decarbonisation, fair working conditions and resilient supply chains. And for this, international trade is of course, very important. Having high sustainability and social standards can ensure that supply chains, which are part of the final tendering process, respect high environmental, social and labour standards. So for this, we need to have binding requirements for sustainability and social conditions as what you mentioned. The most economically advantageous tender criterion. It's also good to remember on this approach that our sustainability and due diligence legislation that has been passed in this House in the past is also very an important tool to assess the performance of the companies and the type of goods produced outside the EU. So it underscores the importance of existing legislation such as the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, the Deforestation Regulation and the Forced Labour Regulation. We must, of course, avoid unfair competitions from countries which fail to respect the rules of our single market, but at the same time we are to keep the procurement market open for companies which align with our current rules. This is particularly important for many countries in the global South in general, and even more now that they are being hit by severe tariffs from the US, which can drastically hinder their economic growth. Thank you.”
  Due diligence in supply chains (environmental and human rights)
• “Many thanks. Dear colleagues, as the Greens EFA group today, we have nominated the Azerbaijani academic and prominent government critic Qubad Ibad Oglu for the 2024 Sakharov Prize. He currently faces 17 years of imprisonment for his research into corruption in Azerbaijan's fossil fuel industry. This parliament has called for his release in several urgency resolutions. Later on, through a video, his daughter Zala will detail her father's suffering following his arrest in July last year and what receiving this award would mean for him. However, awarding Doctor Ibadulla with the Sakharov Prize is also an opportunity for this Parliament to speak out against Azerbaijan's intensifying human rights violations and cynical greenwashing of its image. In the lead up to the Cop climate conference in Azerbaijan, which will take place this November. Awarding daughter Ebadi with the Sakharov Prize while Azerbaijan prepares to host, Cop 29 would cast a much needed global spotlight on Baku's inhumane treatment of over 300 political prisoners, including many critics of the corrupted fossil fuel industry that underpins the current dictatorship, and put pressure on the Commission to reconsider the EU energy trade with Azerbaijan. I would like to give the opportunity for the daughter of Doctor Bartolo to address us via video, and I thank you for your attention.”
  EU-Azerbaijan relations
• “And thank you also for being here today. Um, you mentioned the pact for the future has been adopted, and it's very important that at this point there is a win for multilateralism and for the link between human rights and sustainable development, which we should, of course, celebrate. It also means that for it to be implemented, there's a lot of homework that we all will have to do. And that also starts here in the European Union. So I guess two questions for you would be, first and foremost, what do you think is being done at the moment to ensure that the European Commission has an ambitious, ambitious human rights agenda? And second, when it comes to the priorities of the eeaS in engagement with the Global South on human rights and in defence of the international human rights system. What are concrete next steps and areas of focus? Thank you.”
  EU competences on human rights
• “Colleagues, today we protect our steel industry and its workers from unfair competition, notably from China. Today, our union takes the lead in the global stage to tackle overcapacity in the steel sector. And today, for this, I'm especially proud we reaffirm that the green transition and trade defence instruments can and should go hand in hand by securing the decarbonisation criterion in the negotiations, we have formally linked market protection to climate action. Cheap unfair imports were freezing. Vital green investments companies couldn't compete. But now, by tying import quotas directly to our decarbonisation path, our steel companies no longer have to choose between going green or surviving. We are making clean steel economically viable. As the Greens EFA group, we fought for and are very proud of, securing consideration for Labour conventions and the Paris Agreement into this framework. We're not just protecting our workers at home. We are raising the standards for human dignity around the world. This is how you build a truly just transition. Finally, we are closing loopholes. Thanks to the melt and pour rule we fought for. Third, countries cannot bypass our defenses if China tries to remelt its steel elsewhere and disguise it for European market, it will not work. This is a bold first step towards rethinking the rules of origin logic at the WTO. This is more than just steel. This is about how Europe leads by building an economy that is as fair to its people as it is to the planet. Thank you very much.”
  Trade relations with China
• “Thank you. Chair. At the beginning of this meeting, there was some confusion about facts. So I'll just read directly from the eeaS Website on a Q&A with Miss Carlos. It reads, and I quote, the review is very clear, and we have to improve the situation that Israel has been breaching. Article two, end quote. So I just wanted to start there. Then on the point of Inter, I would like to say that just to get started, we need to talk more about this. There has been one monitoring group on Israel-Palestine since the beginning of our term a year ago. This is not sufficient. I'm very glad we're having this meeting today, but this conversation needs to continue in all the appropriate channels. For a very long time, there has been an action, no action at all. And this week we had expected for more. In eight pages, Dass has laid out a horrifying list of human rights breached by Israel in their actions, both in Gaza and the West Bank. I won't bore it with you all, with everything but murder of civilians, denial of humanitarian aid, targeted attacks on hospitals and medical facilities, use of starvation as a weapon of war, forceful transfer of Palestinian populations. Relentless expansion of illegal colonies are only some of them. This is not news for most of us. If you have a phone or you open a newspaper, you knew about this, but it's nonetheless shocking to read it summarized in eight pages.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “And, you know, considering exemptions on sustainability legislation which should have universal coverage. Uh, this also kind of bypasses the role of the Parliament, who has negotiated all of these laws. Um, secondly, and perhaps even more importantly, all of these trade agreements were supposed to come in a framework of other things like the triple D, like the like the forced labor regulation. All of these things are there to also make sure that sustainability conditions are enabled in our trade with other countries. But the simplification narrative of the Commission really risks slashing the effect of of these tools, and therefore also our trust in trade agreements and the ability of trade agreements to stop or not contribute further to deforestation or to human rights abuses. Um, just yesterday we saw another delay on the UDR. And these are tools that are really important if we want to have trust in the trade agreements that are coming. So the world is moving very fast and DG trade seems to be moving even faster. Um, Indonesia just announced all the CFOs coming up with Cote d'Ivoire. Ecuador, the Clean Trade and investment Partnership with South Africa. I guess our most important point in all of these ongoing and about to close negotiations is that we need to keep climate, environment, labor and social rights at the core of our trade policy. It's not just about more, it's about the quality of it. And we need to make sure that this trade creates added value for people on both sides of the trade deal. Thank you.”
  Free trade agreements (FTAs)
• “How can we make sure that these things are supported and not weakened by the increased flexibility and the APS. In the absence of such thematic programs, how can we ensure that civil society organizations will continue to have access to predictable and protected funding? And in that, a subquestion I would like to ask is particularly on our protection mechanism for human rights defenders, the EU protect defenders. It seems like the budget line where it used to live has been erased. So will this continue? Secondly, on humanitarian aid, again, I'm concerned that the lack of legal and budgetary safeguards could de-prioritise life saving, life saving assistance in favour of political or geopolitical objectives. And therefore me and my group would call for the establishment of a ring fenced budget line with a minimum allocation of 25 billion for humanitarian aid, which is already committed in the proposal. But that's to be accompanied by a dedicated flexibility envelope similar to what is foreseen in other pillars to ensure predictability, rapid crisis response and the preservation of needs based humanitarian action.”
  EU Development & Humanitarian Aid
• “Thank you very much, chair. Um, we welcome, of course, this proposal to make minor technical adjustments. And we accept also the de minimis exemption that was proposed as many of the groups in this House have, um, in the light of wanting the text to be adopted as soon as possible so that operators get the necessary information and certainty about the rules that will be applicable very soon. Of course, with Cbam, tackling greenhouse gas emissions remains the utmost priority, even with the slight changes that have been made. Now, uh, for this to work out, then the European Commission must guarantee that the threshold is not circumvented and that companies cannot avoid returning to the scope of cbam if their products carbon intensity has increased. So this leaves me with a question to the Commission at this point, actually with two questions I would like to understand better, how will the Commission make sure that companies do not circumvent the new threshold. And also, I would have a question about this provision that gives the possibility to member States to lower penalties for unintentional mistakes or negligence. I was wondering if there is a risk there of going into a lot of disputes, or whether on whether or not the mistake was unintentional and that risk of abusing that, that rule, giving the possibility to companies to circumvent or delay the application of cbam rules. Thank you.”
  Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM)
• “Dear chair, dear Commissioner, you and our colleagues from the EPP called for political responsibility in supporting this deal. But I think it's very far fetched to claim that it is responsible for us to spend $750 billion on natural gas, oil and nuclear energy from the US. If Russia has taught us something, is that Europe must become independent in its energy production through a green transition by no longer depending on others, and especially not on unpredictable populists and dictators. But looking at this deal with the US. It seems perhaps we have not learned our lesson. Let's face it, Commissioner Sefcovic, these billions are needed here in Europe to benefit European consumers and companies, not to fill the coffers of ExxonMobil and Chevron, the same corporations that have blocked ambitious climate action for decades. Instead of pouring money into fossil fuels, we must invest in renewable energy production, in batteries, in the circular economy. Our regulation, our climate goals, our values. They are not for sale. And we cannot never we cannot trade them away. Thank you.”
  EU approach to energy security (home-made vs import sources)
• “Thank you. Chair. Uh, the seaborn has been one of the cornerstones of the EU Green Deal, which has put a fair carbon price on carbon intensive goods imported into the EU. We see it as an essential structure to prevent carbon leakage and to level the playing field for low carbon products sold in the EU. And therefore, I would like to congratulate the successful start of the operational phase of Cbam this January, after the three year, um, testing period, and also welcome the new elements of the Commission proposal. Uh, we're very happy to see the extension to downstream products be beyond basic metals, including steel and aluminium intensive products like machinery and appliances, because this can ensure that emissions are reduced rather than reallocated. Also happy to see additional anti-circumvention measures. The key proposals include enhanced reporting requirements for better traceability of cbam goods, addressing emission intensity declarations and incorporating pre-consumer aluminium and steel scrap in cbam calculations. Finally, also happy to see the Temporary Decarbonisation Fund, a fund to temporarily support EU producers of cbam goods and mitigate carbon leakage risks. This would address the competitiveness loss in third country markets, where the EU goods might be supplemented by cheaper, more emission intensive alternatives, potentially increasing global emissions.”
  Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM)
• “(21:45:38 – 21:47:02): Dear colleagues, with the adoption of the law on the promotion of ethnic unity and progress, China is taking another step to intensify the repression and forced assimilation of Tibetans, Uighurs, Mongolians, Hui, and Manchus. This law does not promote unity. It shrinks the space for diversity. While it claims equality, the law strips minorities of the their rights to learn their own languages, forcing them to abandon their Mandarin their mother tongues in favor of Mandarin. And even more concerning, provisions in this law risk the criminalization of peaceful expression, dissent, or advocacy for minority rights. The impacts do not stop at the border of China, and it seriously risks even more transnational repression also for those living here in the European Union. Persecution, cultural erasure, and serious human rights violations are severely straining the EU China relations. This parliament condemns the repression of China and its people and calls on China to repeal the law and release its political prisoners. We also call on EU member states to impose sanctions on those who infringe human rights and to suspend the extradition treaty with China to protect nationals living in the EU. Thank you. Merci beaucoup. Thank you very much. Jonas Justen. Thanks, Tomike Tolmer.”
  EU-China relations
• “19:42 – 17:20:42): Good. Okay colleagues, I think we can resume now, right on time. And we end today's committee meeting with a presentation of a study on EU trade in dual use items with conflict affected regions. Obviously, it's a very topical item and I would like to very much welcome to our committee Doctor Ian Stewart who's here in the room and he is a recognized expert in exports controls. Thank you for being here. The objective of this study has been to examine the extent to which the EU's legal framework such as the dual use regulation and member states' practices on dual use export controls align with their respective legal obligations, particularly as it relates to conflict affected regions of course. So the study has very interesting conclusions that emerged and it would be very useful for our work on the topic. So I think no one better to lead us through the findings and the conclusions than Doctor Stewart himself. Please, you have the floor for ten to twelve minutes.”
  Arms export from the EU
• “But as the previous speaker said, there is a concrete legislative opportunity here, a ban on exports of things that aren't good enough to use in Europe, and they're not good enough to use elsewhere. And I ask, why has that not been delivered? And you already started to answer that with geopolitical times and trade wars. But how would you plan to create a level playing field if no one takes the first step? If we don't set our standards, which is what we are as a European Union as well, standard setters in environmental policy, in health policy, if we don't take the first step, how are we ever going to get other countries to join us in what we want to achieve? And also, I know you're not here from DG trade, but because you mentioned trade agreements, I agree, again, multilateralism is very important. But in which of the many, many, many FTAs that we've been negotiating until now, do we have a credible, concrete, time bound response to the issue of pesticides? Because I'm afraid I don't see it. But if you see it otherwise, I'd like to hear it. So my call is very clear. This is an extremely important issue. We've had a commitment from the commission. It's the same commission that is now ahead. I know the times have changed, but the data, the facts and the human lives impacted by this, that has not changed. And we really need to see action on this now.”
  Pesticides & trade
• “And thank you to all three panelists, but also to your colleagues who are part of the same network for being here today, but also for your work. That is very valuable to our work in many ways, in agenda setting and events, in putting us in touch with affected stakeholders, in meetings and briefings and last minute emails with questions. Um, for the Greens, that work is very appreciated. Um, and in this global human rights crisis, as it is very important that Hua and officials continue to work with with NGOs, with credible and knowledgeable NGOs so that our work remains also itself credible, inclusive and up to date. But in fact, as one of you mentioned, it has to go beyond the Troy Committee and this ability to cooperate with human rights. Ngos should also be present in other areas of EU policy making, for example, in committees whose legislation might have human rights impacts in other countries. And here I'm thinking of the global South, but also in delegations as it was mentioned. So I hope that you continue the great work and you expand the great work there in concrete questions, I'd like to join my colleagues who asked about specific priorities. I'd be very curious to hear from you. What do you think are priorities for this committee? And moreover, I'm a first mandate MEP and I've been here a short amount of time, but I've already heard a lot about the transparency transparency register. Sir, I understand that for you to do your work and for us to trust it, it needs to be done in a very transparent way, and that's very important. But I understand that also poses a lot of challenges to smaller NGOs and to human rights defenders. So I was wondering, how do you view that and do you have any concrete recommendations for us? Thank you.”
  EU engagement with civil society
• “(18:13:17 – 18:14:52): Colleagues, today, we protect our steel industry and its workers from unfair competition notably from China. Today, our union takes the lead in the global stage to tackle overcapacity in the steel sector. And today, for this, I'm especially proud we reaffirm that the green transition and trade defense instruments can and should go hand in hand. By securing the decarbonization criteria in negotiations, we have formally linked market protection to climate action. Cheap, unfair imports were freezing vital green investments. Companies couldn't compete. But now by tying import quotas directly to our decarbonization path, our steel companies no longer have to choose between going green or surviving. We are making clean steel economically viable. As a Green ZFA group, we fought for and are very proud of securing consideration for labor conventions and the Paris Agreement into this framework. We're not just protecting our workers at home, We are raising the standard for human dignity around the world. This is how you build a truly just just transition. Finally, we are closing loopholes. Thanks to the melting poor rule we fought for, third countries cannot bypass our defenses. If China tries to remelt its steel elsewhere and disguise it for European market, it will not work. This is a bold first step towards rethinking the rules of origin logic at the WTO. This is more than just steel. This is about how Europe leads by building an economy that is as fair to its people as it is to the planet. Thank you very much. Thank you very much, madam Sofko. You have the floor.”
  Trade relations with China
• “And so I'd like to turn to our speakers. Uh, first of all, Miss Parker, thank you so much for your brilliant and brave presentation. We have seen that in many places like Minneapolis, thousands of people have taken to the streets, and many others are also working behind the scenes to protect their immigrant neighbors. You mentioned the need to support human rights defenders in the US. How do you see the EU could do that? How can we cooperate with those fighting for rights in the US? And you also mentioned the the human rights sanctions regime that might one day be adequate to use against those high ranking officials in the US. When do you foresee such a thing would be a necessary measure. And quickly to Mr. Castro, thank you for reminding us of the words of Thomas Jefferson, the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. We are reminded of it. I hope the American friends are reminded of it as well. Can you maybe expand a little bit on what you said about how our two nations view freedom of expression very differently? Thank you.”
  EU-US relations
• “40:01 – 17:42:45): Thank you very much colleague and then we'll move on to the Greens. My colleague Marquette couldn't be here today so I will speak on her behalf. She was the rapporteur for the dual use regulation in the last mandate and so she sends her apologies that she couldn't be here. In any case, having reviewed the newly published INTA study on the EU trade in dual use items with conflict affected regions, we must confront a highly uncomfortable institutional reality which is that this Parliament frequently champions its commitments to international humanitarian law yet the study exposes severe structural policy failures in our export control regime that leave us practically blind to how our technology is used in war zones. If we are to act as a sovereign federalized power then we must immediately address the outrageous policy failures that have been identified in the text. Number one, the arms embargo loophole. The EU is currently unable to restrict unlisted dual use exports unless the destination is already under the very formal and veto pronged UN or EU arms embargoes. By chaining our export controls to this sluggish Security Council, we surrender our sovereign ability to prevent European technology from being weaponized in undeclared conflicts. Number two, the data black hole. We are regulating our export market blindfolded due to the severe lack of granular high quality data on what is actually leaving our borders. Because member states hide behind statistical obscurity, the EU cannot effectively track or manage the flow of technology into conflict affected regions. And third and last, the multilateral paralysis. The EU artificially cripples its own response times by relying on slow consensus based international forum to update our export control lists. Brussels must establish the unilateral executive agility to restrict emerging technology threats immediately without waiting for global permission. It's time to shift to a proactive federalized approach regarding the risks associated with dual use trade. The Greens EFA group strongly demands immediate revisions of regulation 2021/821 to broaden the military and controls in article four, to mandate strict granular data reporting and to close these loopholes once and for all. The true European sovereignty means taking absolute responsibility for where our technologies end up. So that on behalf of the Greens. And then last but not least, I have colleagues from the Left and first we have Mister Rudi Kennes please.”
  Arms export from the EU
• “Thanking the panelists for your expertise, for what you brought in today. And start also with something quite clear. The facts that we continue to export pesticides that are banned for use in the European Union because they are not safe because of the damage that they do for people and for the environment, is absolutely without defense. It's a completely indefensible policy, and I think most of us in this room can agree about this. Because also we know that this has having is having devastating human rights impacts in many countries around the world, not just in South Africa. And it's contributing to extreme harm to health, to clean water, to the environment, to soil all sorts of pollution and for human health. Importantly, and I think it's also good to put names to what we mean. We mean pregnant women who live in neighboring communities, whose children are born with neurodevelopmental developmental delays, with behavioral issues, with lower cognitive scores. There's plenty of research on that. We're talking about farmers who don't have good access to protective equipment. And even with that, farmers who develop Parkinson's, who develop infertility. We're talking about numerous health issues that honestly should shame us all for the fact that this continues to happen. And let's also be honest, it is also European companies who don't seem to have enough money to take their responsibility in, for example, collecting the empty pesticide containers after they've sold them there, and to make sure that farmers don't have to throw them on the ground or on the water, or burn them and inhale the fumes.”
  Pesticides & trade
• “Thank you very much, chair. And thank you, Director General, for coming back to us. Um, well, you you mentioned lots and lots of things, lots of interesting things. And I guess one important point to start is that trades matters first and foremost for people. And when it comes to that, I'm really glad to see the proposal of the suspension of the Association Agreement with Israel. Even though it's late. It's extremely important piece of what we should be doing in our trade policy. And so I would like to echo the question on the ban on trades from, um, products coming from illegal settlements, uh, because this could have a tremendous impact, um, on, on, on the lives of people. Furthermore, if we talk about people also here in Europe, people in companies, they certainly want a supply chain and consumption habits that do not adversely impact the environment, social well-being and labour labor rights, not only in Europe but also in our partner countries. And therefore we need to continue to have a high standard of credibility and conditionalities on sustainability. And I have to admit, in your long list of trade agreements that are being concluded, I have some concerns, for example, in Mercosur, with the possibility that Mercosur countries might be able to seek compensation from the EU for the costs caused by complying with new EU regulation. What could that mean, for example, for regulation like the deforestation regulation? Not to mention other scary thoughts on the US deal when it comes to cbam. They seem to be seeking also an exemption, and I feel like this threatens not only our regulatory autonomy, but also our principle of being equal partners to everyone we work with.”
  Free trade agreements (FTAs)
• “So I'd love to hear your your thoughts on that. Uh, and to Mr. Tom, you spoke about, um, impunity, about a growing era of transnationalism when it comes to human rights and other interests, trade interests, economic interests. And I think that's absolutely key and spot on. I'm wondering, to fight impunity, to achieve actual accountability, to to hold those who do this accountable and to make an example of them so that it doesn't keep happening. We need a lot of tools. We need, obviously a lot of efforts. I think international law and international courts would be one of those avenues, but those are two under pressure. So I guess my question to you is what is your expectation when it comes to the ICC or other international instruments to bring accountability? And what role can the European Union play in supporting that? Thank you.”
  Russia-Ukraine conflict (10th term)
• “Katarina. Um, yes. Um, well, first, maybe start with some positives and to thank everyone who joined. It was a difficult mission, but also a very nice group of people to work with. So thanks a lot also to all the staff who helped us prepare and to the commission while we were there. They were indeed very informative and available and that's really important. Um, I'd like to touch on two points, mainly the first one being our positions as as the European Union as a whole and as a commission particularly, I think what did um, stir things up a little bit was the view or the, the, the position on the most favored nation principle. I think there was a bit of a risky move because many countries seemed to be a bit taken aback by what it meant by our questioning or it was a bit vague. Right. So I think it would be important to make sure that at a time where the WTO is needs us the most and needs political support, that we are very clear about what we mean when we put the this principle into into question, and so that maybe it's not so much what we said, but the lack of clarity and to not be seen too much as being aligned with the Trump administration, uh, on, on questioning this principle, but rather work more collaboratively.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “Dear chair, dear Commissioner, today the Commissioner came to us to say that the trade war seemed to be turning into some sort of trade truce. Even though we don't know that much in detail about the content. In any case, I'm very happy to hear that for you, our legislation remains a non-negotiable point. It can't have been easy to negotiate with the Trump administration. The amount of U-turns on deadlines and tariff rate is unprecedented. With that unstable background and knowing that nothing binds Trump to a final deal, we must always proceed with caution. And while the EU might be able to strike a deal, this is unlikely to be the case for most of the world. For many, the absurdly high tariffs are still on the table, and this poses a huge challenge for developing nations. The compound impact of high tariffs and the cuts in development assistance risks all the progress that has been made on the poorest economies and by consequence, on the Sustainable Development Goals. Our multilateral system is failing and those who are most vulnerable risk paying the highest price. Thank you. *Younous OMARJEE @Chair: Merci beaucoup. Thank you very much. Next speaker is Pasquale.”
  EU-US trade relations
• “Yes. Thank you, chair, and thank you to the commission as well for being here in this era of tariffs. It's true that the EU needs to look at, uh, at other partners. And then I welcome these conversations within Indonesia, a very like minded partner. That being said, it's really important that we make sure that our desire for speed doesn't undercut our other desires, like the solidity of our, uh, sustainability and social requirements for any trade agreements. Um, so I guess I would like to start with the question on a possible human rights impact assessment or sustainability assessment. How has that process looked like? And particularly, has there been a reflection on the human rights situation in West Papua, as mentioned by my colleagues from the Social Democrats, uh, which, you know, could, uh, deteriorate even further with this trade agreements. And then on the TSD chapter, I would also have a couple of questions. The first one is quite, uh, you mentioned it a little bit at the end of your statement. Something about the dispute settlement system. So I guess I would like to know when it comes to enforceability, what can you what can we expect from the TSD chapter? Will there be a dispute settlement procedure in case the TSD provisions are violated? And then two questions on some specific sectors.”
  Free trade agreements (FTAs)
• “Yes, thank you for the opportunity to follow up on two points. The first one on trade from illegal settlements. Of course, I'm not asking about trade preferences. We know those are not given, but it's a matter of why are we trading at all? And our responsibility in banning this kind of trade that is supporting, um, Israel's terrible actions in Gaza and the West Bank? Um, secondly, on Mercosur, I found it quite interesting. And I would like to ask you if you can go into detail on why you believe that the threshold set by the Mercosur wording is stronger than that set by the WTO when it comes to this ability to question on legislation. And of course, the UDR was expected and was foreseen, but there could be follow up legislation on the UDR as there can be, and I hope there will be lots of new legislation on pesticides, on minimum residue levels or whatever it is that the EU chooses to legislate when it comes to the environment and climate in the future. So we give the UDR as an example that we all know. But of course, it's not only about UDR, it's about future endeavours in legislation.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “In the opinion which we will now discuss, it would be very relevant to particularly address the impact of sebum on trade flows of high carbon products from third countries to the EU. So we should look at how will the extension to downstream products affect trade volumes and if and how it incentivizes low carbon industrial and consumer products as well. How can we cooperate effectively with other countries in implementing similar systems there, including trade facilitation measures? Finally, I also think it would be important to explore the concerning inclusions of cbam as trade irritants in trade agreements. For example, the direct reference to Cbam in the Eu-us Framework Agreement, the effects of the rebalancing mechanism under the Eu-mercosur Free Trade Agreement to the Cbam revision, and also how the EU India FTA might impose limitations to external carbon pricing in the EU. In any case, thank you very much for this presentation and I look forward to fruitful exchanges in, into and then later with Envy and committees.”
  Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM)
• “(16:12:42 – 16:14:07): Thank you chair and thank you for the presentation to both of you I have three questions the first one also relates to MFN and also with the the points that my colleague Karen just just raised on the mister Sefkovich remarks recently and how do you see that position versus the advice that you gave and the analysis you made on the MFN if there is room for a tweak on the MFN do you see that as desirable and and do you see that as possible in in the unanimity that is still required within WTO secondly I would like to ask you in your study you mentioned that the EU free trade agreements also impact international rulemaking on trade in addition to what the WTO does for example through RTST chapters that's turned into a normative tool to influence trade flows I'm wondering what patterns if any do you see our trade partners such as US or China what kind of norms are they also creating by themselves as we as we might as the EU and finally thank you for your summary at the end on where you'd like us to to focus as a delegation in Cameroon I was wondering if you have any advice on which of those specific points that you mentioned should our main focus be and if there are any key partners that we should make sure to meet in those meetings thank you”
  EU-Cameroon relations
• “Companies that don't pay the price to take care of that trash are the same companies paying for dinners in Brussels to speak with their lobbying meetings. So let's make that all very clear before we kick off the discussion. And the evidence is there. It was presented by the experts. There's lots of research online as well. And so I really want to take this as an opportunity to speak with with the commission. And I really appreciate Miss Manfredi being here today. And I understand that it is not specifically your concern within the Commission these matters. And then I'm sorry for for that. And then I wonder, where are your colleagues? Why couldn't they make it? Why weren't they interested or available for this exchange. And, and I want to touch on a couple of things you said, you said, and it's true that European consumers really care about pesticide free products, but there's research from last year from the Pesticide Action Network that shows 69 EU banned hazardous pesticides available in foods sold here in the European Union. So this goes against the policies that the Commission is very well doing in terms of internal consumption and protection of consumers. It's all coming back because, you know, we're exporting and it's being used and it's coming back to us as well, to our health in Europe. And I agree with you, global networks and intergovernmental panels on pollution are very important and very welcome.”
  Pesticides & trade
• “As the EU and Indonesia prepare to close on the Rcep agreement, we must remember that allies are more than just trade partners. They stand for the same core values. This Parliament raises today the cases of Andrea Yunus and Mohamed Rosdi not as isolated incidents, but as symbolic of our greatest concerns when it comes to freedom, human rights and the rule of law in Indonesia, because today, those standing in the way of powerful extractive industries face intimidation, criminalisation and attacks. Civic space is shrinking and new laws pose threats to freedom of expression and civil society's ability to operate. Nowhere are those concerns more visible than in Papua and West Papua, where militarisation is intensifying. Indigenous communities are being displaced from their ancestral lands. Journalists and international observers are kept out and the majority of abuses go unaddressed and unpunished. We call on Indonesian authorities to do everything in their power to ensure the protection of human rights and environmental defenders, and we call on the rest of the EU to ensure human rights and environmental safeguards stay at the forefront of our priorities during the discussions and possible ratification of our trade agreements. Our trade policy serves more than our economies. It's there also to promote our key values and principles. Human rights and the environment are inseparable from our trade decisions. Thank you very much.”
  Free trade agreements (FTAs)
• “(16:12:42 – 16:14:07): Thank you chair and thank you for the presentation to both of you I have three questions the first one also relates to MFN and also with the the points that my colleague Karen just just raised on the mister Sefkovich remarks recently and how do you see that position versus the advice that you gave and the analysis you made on the MFN if there is room for a tweak on the MFN do you see that as desirable and and do you see that as possible in in the unanimity that is still required within WTO secondly I would like to ask you in your study you mentioned that the EU free trade agreements also impact international rulemaking on trade in addition to what the WTO does for example through RTST chapters that's turned into a normative tool to influence trade flows I'm wondering what patterns if any do you see our trade partners such as US or China what kind of norms are they also creating by themselves as we as we might as the EU and finally thank you for your summary at the end on where you'd like us to to focus as a delegation in Cameroon I was wondering if you have any advice on which of those specific points that you mentioned should our main focus be and if there are any key partners that we should make sure to meet in those meetings thank you”
  EU-Cameroon relations
• “46:34 – 17:47:44): Thank you very much. I don't see anyone else for catch the eye and so before we move on I would also like to quickly add that there are lots of items that have been covered by the report which have clear link software items that are used in manufacturing of drones. There's also been numerous reports about items that are not usually considered dual use items including civil society reports on for example the export of dogs trained in the Netherlands for police, police dogs essentially being exported to Israel and used in severe human rights abuses against Palestinians. So I'm wondering what kind of different unexpected examples did you also encounter, to what extent these can be covered in the future and whether or not this public campaigning and changing public opinion and interest from civil society and NGOs makes in your view and in the view of commission an important stepping point and an important reason to update the regulations. As we have, so with that I'll give the floor back to Mister Ian Stewart for answers for five minutes.”
  Relations with Israel - Palestine
• “Thank you very much, chair. So as you mentioned in the beginning of your intervention with this relaunching of negotiations, we're coming to having negotiations or existing trade agreements with all major economies in Southeast Asia, which is quite remarkable. Um, and we welcome the cooperation with Malaysia and we hope that we can get the best out of these negotiations. Um, and of course, coming from the Greens, you can expect what I consider to be the best. And that is to remember that with increased trade volumes and with an FTA, we must also ensure that this comes with a responsibility to not drive adverse impacts on the environment, on labor rights, or lead to more land grabbing by um, Local or international companies that has a huge consequence on indigenous peoples. And this is particularly the case with the expansion of new mines or industrial projects. So obviously, the way to address and try to prevent these negative impacts is to have as strong as possible TSD chapter. Uh, and then I urge both the EU and Malaysia to commit to ambition when it comes to trade and sustainability so that there can be remedies to address these adverse impacts on local communities and on workers. As the colleagues mentioned, palm oil is of course, uh, standing out as a highly, uh, at risk for deforestation commodity, and therefore it should really be taken into account, not just the things that the commission mentioned about access to, um, to the, to the local market versus to the EU, but also implementation of the EU deforestation regulation at its highest level of ambition and other measures or investments that can prevent deforestation in Malaysia.”
  Free trade agreements (FTAs)